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Thursday, July 31, 2025

Over 1,000 Colleges Could Lose Access to Federal Student Aid: AEI Report Documents Systemic Failures

The American Enterprise Institute (AEI) has published a report indicating that more than 1,000 U.S. colleges could lose access to federal student aid—if Department of Education standards were enforced as written. While AEI typically promotes market-based approaches, this report draws attention to broader failures in the governance of higher education and student aid.

In "Over 1,000 Colleges Could Lose Access to Federal Student Aid," AEI researcher Beth Akers identifies institutions that would not meet federal financial responsibility and administrative standards. These schools—many of them for-profit or underfunded nonprofits—show high student loan non-payment rates, dependence on Title IV aid, and weak student outcomes. 

According to the report, 1,113 colleges have non-payment rates above 30%, a threshold that can trigger the loss of federal aid. An additional 656 colleges are near that threshold.

Under current policy, such institutions could face sanctions or funding loss. In practice, enforcement is inconsistent. Many of these colleges continue operating with federal funds while offering little evidence of educational or financial benefit for students.

A Pattern of Inaction

This is not a new development. Federal oversight has long been uneven. Accrediting agencies have allowed low-performing schools to remain in good standing. Legislative oversight has been limited and sometimes influenced by lobbying. The result is a system where colleges can access public funds with little accountability.

Students, especially those from low-income and first-generation backgrounds, are often left with debt and limited employment options. The burden also falls on taxpayers who support these institutions through federal programs.

Colleges with High Non-Payment Rates

Some of the institutions listed in AEI’s report have appeared in investigations for years. Examples include:

  • American Intercontinental University (~45%)

  • Colorado Technical University (~42%)

  • United Education Institute / UEI College (~43–44%)

  • Florida Career College (~58%) – closed after fraud findings

  • Fortis Institute / Fortis College (~41–43%)

  • All State Career School (~48%)

  • Barber and cosmetology schools such as K&G 5 Star Barber College (TX), GoodFellas Barber College (AR), and Ray J’s College of Hair (LA), with non-payment rates between 60–74%

These schools are part of a larger group that relies heavily on federal aid while producing high loan default and non-payment rates.

A Broader Systemic Problem

The issues identified in the AEI report reflect a larger problem. Colleges are allowed to participate in federal aid programs without meeting consistent standards for financial stability or student outcomes. The aid system rewards enrollment growth but often overlooks quality and results.

The report raises questions about how federal aid is distributed and monitored. It also highlights the limited role of accreditors and the need for more consistent enforcement of existing rules.

Looking Ahead

The AEI report is based on public data and identifies a clear policy problem. Whether it leads to change depends on decisions by federal officials, lawmakers, and the public. Continued support for colleges with poor performance comes at a cost—borne by students and taxpayers.

The Department of Education has tools to limit this harm, but those tools have not been used effectively. The question now is whether they will be.

Sources:

  • Akers, Beth. Over 1,000 Colleges Could Lose Access to Federal Student Aid. American Enterprise Institute, July 30, 2025. 

  • Republic Report, July 2025

  • Business Insider, July 2025

For further information on at-risk institutions or specific regional trends, the Higher Education Inquirer continues to track developments closely.

Wednesday, July 30, 2025

Coalition of North County Organizations to Host "Fight Against Fascism (Rage Against the Regime)" Rally and March in Escondido, Sat Aug 2nd 5 PM

ESCONDIDO, CA – A coalition of North County San Diego community organizations will host a peaceful rally and march on Saturday, August 2nd, as part of a national "Rage Against the Regime" day of action. The event will take place from 5:00-7:00 PM at the corner of W Valley Parkway and N Broadway, near Escondido City Hall, with a march through downtown Escondido beginning at 5:30 PM.

The rally is organized by Indivisible North County San Diego, 50501 North County San Diego, and We the People, bringing together community members to voice concerns about current federal policies and their local impacts.

"As we continue to see this trend away from a robust democracy towards authoritarianism, the typical guardrails meant to protect Americans from government overreach are straining if not beginning to fail. With disturbing historical parallels of the executive branch ignoring court orders, usurping power from Congress, deploying the military on domestic soil against American citizens, or kidnapping people off the street, it's clear one of the best tools the public has to ensure we continue to live in a free society is non-violent civil disobedience." said Richard Cannon, an organizer with 50501 North County San Diego.

Event Highlights

Express Yourself: Community members are encouraged to participate through various forms of positive, constructive expression including:

  • Recording videos for social media and giving interviews to local news outlets
  • Creating signs and writing letters to elected officials on key issues
  • Participating in planned theater performances, sidewalk art, live street music, and other interactive activities

Take Action: The rally will provide opportunities for civic engagement including:

  • Learning how to support immigrant communities through documentation and reporting of federal immigration enforcement efforts
  • Voter registration for upcoming local and state elections
  • Information about volunteering and donating to advocacy organizations, and participation in non-violent civil disobedience

March With Us: Participants are invited to bring flags, instruments, banners, and signs to join the peaceful march through downtown Escondido.

Key Issues to Be Addressed

Rally organizers plan to highlight several policy concerns, including:

  • Federal immigration enforcement's intentional profiling and illegal detention of Latino and Hispanic Americans, including U.S. citizens and legal residents1 2
  • Medicaid and food security cuts that will affect residents in North County, and all of San Diego
  • Federal worker mistreatment
  • Support for raising up working and middle-class families

The coalition emphasizes that this is a peaceful demonstration focused on constructive community engagement and civic participation.

Event Details

What: "Fight Against Fascism (Rage Against the Regime): Escondido" Rally and March
When: Saturday, August 2nd, 5:00-7:00 PM. March begins 5:30 PM.
Where: Corner of W Valley Parkway and N Broadway, Escondido (near City Hall 201 N Broadway, Escondido, CA 92025) Cost: Free and open to the public. Community members are encouraged to register at https://events.pol-rev.com/events/fa1f32f0-e684-426e-86dc-6107ee07a1ed

Media Contact

To coordinate any media attendance, please reach out to the day-of media below:

Gregg Oliver
858-245-9802

About the Organizing Coalition

Indivisible North County San Diego, 50501 North County San Diego, and Trouble Nation are grassroots organizations focused on community engagement, civic participation, and advocacy on local and national issues affecting North County residents.


References:

1 Salomon, Gisela. "A US citizen was held for pickup by ICE even after proving he was born in the country." Associated Press, April 19, 2025. https://apnews.com/article/us-citizen-held-ice-florida-law-4b5f5d9c754b56c87d1d8b39dfedfc6c

2 Contreras, Russell. "ICE accused of racial profiling in detentions of Latino U.S. citizens." Axios, July 9, 2025. https://www.axios.com/2025/07/09/ice-us-citizens-detention-racial-profiling


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Tuesday, July 29, 2025

Doctorates, Debt, and Decoupling: A State-Level Challenge to CAPTE’s Physical Therapy Monopoly (Glen McGhee)

Recent legal and policy debates have questioned monopolies in professional licensing and accreditation. The James G. Martin Center recently published a report arguing that the American Bar Association (ABA) does not need to accredit law schools, based on legal precedent and economic analysis.

The Commission on Accreditation in Physical Therapy Education (CAPTE) holds a comparable position in physical therapy education. Most states require applicants for licensure to graduate from a CAPTE-accredited program. Because CAPTE is the only recognized accreditor in the field, its requirement that all physical therapists complete a Doctor of Physical Therapy (DPT) program functions as a monopoly.

The DPT program typically lasts three years and costs $108,000 on average for in-state students, with out-of-state tuition around $126,000. Graduates often carry between $116,000 and $142,000 in student loan debt. Median salaries for physical therapists are approximately $89,000 per year, raising questions about the financial balance for many graduates.

Florida is considering changes that could challenge CAPTE’s position. Lawmakers, universities, and other stakeholders are reviewing state licensure rules to allow graduates from regionally accredited or master’s-level programs to qualify for licensure, provided they pass the National Physical Therapy Exam (NPTE). Advocates argue that no clear evidence links the DPT requirement with better board exam or clinical outcomes.

Workforce shortages support calls for reform. State data show physical therapy vacancies above 18 percent in some public health districts. Economic studies suggest that allowing master’s-level programs could reduce training costs by roughly 40 percent and increase the supply of licensed practitioners.

If Florida moves forward, public universities might revive Master of Physical Therapy (MPT) programs, and private institutions could develop accelerated combined bachelor’s and master’s tracks. Similar challenges may emerge in Texas, Ohio, and other states.

CAPTE and the American Physical Therapy Association defend the current accreditation model by citing quality and safety. Critics see the arrangement as an example of regulatory capture, where a private organization exercises control with little external oversight.

Sources

James G. Martin Center for Academic Renewal, “The American Bar Association Needn’t Accredit Law Schools,” July 2025. https://jamesgmartin.center/2025/07/the-american-bar-association-neednt-accredit-law-schools
Texas Public Policy Foundation, Escape Hatches from Higher-Ed Accreditation, 2020. https://www.texaspolicy.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/Gillen-Escape-Hatches-from-Higher-Ed-Accreditation.pdf
American Physical Therapy Association, DPT cost and debt data: https://www.apta.org/your-career/careers-in-physical-therapy/becoming-a-pt
National Physical Therapy Exam pass rates and licensure information: https://www.fsbpt.org/
NGA Center for Best Practices, The Future of Occupational Licensing Reform, 2023.

Saturday, July 26, 2025

 

This story was originally published by Chalkbeat. Sign up for their newsletters at ckbe.at/newsletters

Fighting for my students’ right to read, I lost my teacher’s license. I’d risk it all again.

Summer Boismier, Chalkbeat

“The Hate U Give.” “Aristotle and Dante Discover the Secrets of the Universe.” “Challenger Deep.” “The Poet X.” These are just some of the titles my students researched and recommended as part of a 2018 project-based learning unit I had assigned. The goal: to diversify our high school’s required reading lists. “Why don’t we have these books?” the superintendent of the district where I was teaching English at the time asked me.

The following school year, these books were integrated into the English I curriculum as choice reads for our literature circles. I find it hard to fathom such a thing happening today.

Four years later, I was teaching in another school district, this one in Norman, Oklahoma. Just days before we were set to return for the 2022-23 academic year, teachers were advised during a faculty meeting to restrict or remove student access to classroom libraries.

Such a sprint toward soft censorship was a response to the Oklahoma State Board of Education’s enforcement of House Bill 1775 of 2021, which restricts conversations around race and sex in academic spaces. Concerned about a potential accreditation downgrade for violating this law, a school site administrator suggested I cover the 500-plus books in my classroom library with butcher paper, which I did. But that was far from the end of the story.

Without the classroom library that I had spent my career curating, some of my students walked into class that first day to find stories that reflected their lives had been reclassified as contraband. So I wrote on the butcher paper covering my shelves, “Books the state doesn’t want you to read.” A protest in pixels, I also added a QR code for students to scan for information about Books Unbanned, a nationwide initiative from Brooklyn Public Library, offering students ages 13-21 free eCard access to the library’s more than 500,000 digital items.

I’ve never taught a math class, but I knew that 500,000 books > 500 books. I also knew that this act of resistance could cost me my job or even my teacher’s license. But if state leadership was going to censor classrooms, I was going to make sure my students still had ample opportunities to read, think, and decide for themselves.

Oklahoma’s HB 1775, which is facing a challenge in federal court, and similar laws from Texas to Florida to Iowa, followed the first Trump administration’s 2020 Executive Order on Combating Race and Sex Stereotyping. These state mandates are often referred to as “divisive concepts” laws. But really, they are censorship by another name. And they don’t just silence ideas; they silence people. They resist the inclusion of historically marginalized voices, such as BIPOC and LGBTQ+ perspectives, because those voices challenge the comfort of the dominant narrative.

“Most characters/authors are straight white guys, and that kind of reflects how we treat literature,” one of my students reflected back in 2018, as they were working on the reading list project.

That student said they wanted to see more diversity in the assigned reading. Unfortunately, the progress made to integrate inclusive, relevant texts into curriculums and libraries is now at risk.

Friday, August 19, 2022, was my first day of year nine as a certified English teacher in Oklahoma public schools and my second year in the Norman district. By day’s end, however, I was placed on leave and told to report to district offices first thing Monday morning. Although the district expressed hope I would return to the classroom, I chose instead to resign so that I could continue to speak out for intellectual freedom and against HB 1775. Soon, my story was making headlines.

And while in 2023 an assistant state attorney general recommended against revoking my teaching license, the Oklahoma State Board of Education still took it away the next year. That has put my livelihood and my life on hold for the foreseeable future and taken an irrevocable toll on my mental health.

Recently, at my eldest nibling’s kindergarten graduation, I was ambushed somewhere around the second chorus of Imagine Dragons’ “Believer” by a panic attack. To an outside observer, I was there in that small-town auditorium, listening to a stage full of big little voices as they belted out “Pain! You made me a believer, believer.”

However, at that moment, I could not have been further from row G, seat 1.

Suddenly and without consent, I was lost amid the voices in my head that for almost three years have relentlessly labeled me a loser, letdown, failure, and fraud — my entire being seized by a feeling akin to what I can only describe as white-knuckling an electric fence.

Until recently, I associated post-traumatic stress disorder, or PTSD, with literal soldiers scarred by the hell of war. Yet I’ve spent most of the past decade not on the battlefield, but in the classroom. I’ve learned, however, that the majority of PTSD diagnoses do not in fact stem from past military service. Apparently, standing up for students’ right to read can leave its own scars.

Despite the deep personal and professional costs, it’s impossible to convey just how little remorse I have. None at all, really. Because not every battle worth fighting is winnable. Because sometimes “Paycheck or principle?” isn’t a rhetorical question.

We are living through a near-constant deluge of crises that are designed to make meaningful teaching and learning unsustainable and undesirable — from efforts to dismantle the Department of Education to the wholesale retraction of diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, from book bans in PK-12 schools to ideological litmus tests imposed on American universities.

In this era of renewed threats to civil liberties coming out of the White House, the statehouse, and the courthouse, I’d challenge all teachers in the schoolhouse to ask themselves: What’s your QR code?

To teach is to take a stand. And just like teaching, taking a stand can look a lot of different ways, including:

Sometimes, it can even look like resting, a radical act of resilience for the fight ahead.

As the youth scholar and artist Jasmine Lewis shared with me in a recent email exchange, “[The world today] reminds me how important it is that we continue reading, writing, and harnessing care in any/every space that we are able to.”

Against the torrent of extreme partisan interference in our public schools, it is your persistence, teachers, that forms the foundation for meaningful resistance to censorship efforts. Despite everything you’re up against, we need you for what comes next: the 2025-26 school year. There’s a lot riding on the integrity of those spines beyond books.

Summer Boismier (she/her) is an English language arts educator and doctoral student at the University of Oklahoma whose work focuses on free expression issues, culturally sustaining pedagogies, and educational equity in public schools. A nationally recognized youth free expression advocate, she is also a recipient of the Oklahoma State Department of Education’s 2019 Rising Star Award and Piedmont Public Schools’ 2018-2019 District Teacher of the Year honor. In 2024, the Oklahoma State Board of Education unanimously revoked her teaching certificate for telling her students about a public library card.

Chalkbeat is a nonprofit news site covering educational change in public schools.

Thursday, July 24, 2025

Release All the Epstein Files

More than five years after Jeffrey Epstein’s suspicious death in federal custody, the full truth about his vast network of sexual abuse, elite privilege, and systemic protection remains locked behind closed doors. Despite high-profile arrests, mainstream media coverage, and multiple court battles, the U.S. government and key institutions—including major universities—have still not released the complete set of Epstein-related documents. The Higher Education Inquirer joins growing public calls: release all the Epstein files now.

This is not just about one man or even a circle of powerful friends. It is an indictment of a broader system—a grotesque synergy of patriarchy and neoliberalism—that enables elite impunity while systematically devaluing the lives of the vulnerable.

The Web of Secrecy

The known facts are damning enough. Jeffrey Epstein, a convicted sex offender with deep ties to academia, finance, royalty, and intelligence services, was allowed to operate with virtual impunity for decades. He funded elite universities like Harvard and MIT. He gained legitimacy through connections to figures like Bill Clinton, Donald Trump, Prince Andrew, and tech moguls. He was gifted a sweetheart plea deal in Florida in 2008, allowing him to avoid serious jail time despite credible allegations from dozens of underage survivors.

Even after his re-arrest in 2019, the system again failed: Epstein died in custody under circumstances that have never been credibly explained. Key surveillance footage went missing. Guards fell asleep. No high-ranking accomplices were charged—only Ghislaine Maxwell, who remains silent behind bars.

Court documents have trickled out—most recently in January 2024, when hundreds of pages from a defamation suit involving Virginia Giuffre were unsealed. But these documents were heavily redacted and incomplete. Names were obscured. The network remains only partially visible. The Department of Justice, the FBI, and several universities still withhold key information under claims of “privacy” and “national security.”

Whose privacy? Whose security? Certainly not that of the survivors.

An Indictment of Patriarchy

At its core, this is a story about the exploitation of women and girls, enabled by a patriarchal power structure that routinely protects the powerful at the expense of the powerless. Epstein's crimes were not hidden in a shadowy underworld—they were committed in mansions, on private islands, in Ivy League offices, and aboard private jets.

Many of his victims were teenage girls from economically precarious families. Some were Black, Latina, or Eastern European. They were groomed, trafficked, silenced, and disbelieved. Their trauma was commodified while their abuser was shielded by lawyers, donors, and university administrators.

To treat this merely as a “sex scandal” is to ignore the structural forces at work. Epstein's operation was not a fluke; it was a feature of a society that commodifies women's bodies, deifies the ultra-wealthy, and demands obedience from institutions that should serve the public interest.

A Neoliberal Failure

Epstein’s reach into higher education and finance is a symptom of neoliberalism’s rot: where ethics are subordinated to endowments, where philanthropy buys silence, and where universities compete for the favor of billionaires rather than serve truth or justice.

How did a man with no college degree and no scientific credentials end up with offices at Harvard and deep ties to MIT’s Media Lab? Why did major figures—Bill Gates, Alan Dershowitz, Larry Summers, Marvin Minsky, and others—accept meetings, flights, and funding without asking harder questions? And why have most of these institutions still not released full internal reviews?

Neoliberal higher education sold its soul for prestige and funding. By chasing Epstein’s money, it became complicit.

This is also true of elite media and political networks. Many journalists, editors, and executives knew about Epstein years before 2019. ABC News reportedly squashed a story in 2015. Powerful names pressured platforms and prosecutors. A “free press” operating under corporate control often becomes an accomplice to coverup.

What’s at Stake

By continuing to withhold the Epstein files, U.S. institutions deepen public distrust and prolong injustice. Survivors deserve full accountability. The public deserves to know who participated, who enabled, and who covered it up.

This is not about voyeurism or scandal-chasing. It is about transparency, justice, and systemic reform. We cannot begin to dismantle the structures that enabled Epstein without exposing them fully.

There is no legitimate reason for the government, law enforcement, or publicly funded universities to sit on thousands of sealed documents—especially when they may implicate individuals who still hold influence over public policy, education, and media.

Release Everything

We call for:

  • The Department of Justice to release all non-classified documents related to Epstein, including client lists, flight logs, financial records, and communications.

  • Universities like Harvard, MIT, and Arizona State to disclose all funding sources, correspondence, and internal reviews involving Epstein and his associates.

  • All sealed court filings involving Epstein and Maxwell—unless doing so would endanger survivors—to be made public.

  • An independent, survivor-led truth and reconciliation commission to oversee disclosure and redress.

The Fight Is Bigger Than Epstein

Jeffrey Epstein is dead, but the system that protected him is very much alive. It is a system built on patriarchal control, neoliberal corruption, and elite impunity. Releasing the files is a first step toward dismantling that system.

Until then, every redaction is an act of complicity. Every delay is a betrayal of justice.

Release all the Epstein files. Now.


If you are a survivor of sexual violence or abuse and need support, call the National Sexual Assault Hotline at 800.656.HOPE (4673). Confidential help is available 24/7.

Wednesday, July 23, 2025

The True Story of the Statue of Liberty—and the Lies We Were Taught

The Statue of Liberty stands in New York Harbor as one of the most iconic symbols of the United States. For generations, it has been described in classrooms as a monument to immigration, freedom, and the American Dream. But as historian James Loewen famously argued in Lies My Teacher Told Me, much of what we learn about American history in school is filtered through a lens of nationalism, sanitized patriotism, and corporate publishing constraints.

The true origins of the Statue of Liberty—and how its meaning was reshaped—offer a revealing case study in the politics of historical memory, especially relevant in a time of widespread textbook censorship in states like Texas and Florida.

A Monument to Emancipation, Not Immigration

The Statue of Liberty was born out of abolitionist hope. In 1865, French jurist and anti-slavery advocate Édouard René de Laboulaye proposed a gift to the U.S. to celebrate the end of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery. Sculptor Frédéric Auguste Bartholdi was commissioned to design a monument that embodied liberty as a universal right, not just a national slogan.

Early concepts for the statue included overt symbols of emancipation, including broken chains and references to the 13th Amendment. Though the final version downplayed these features, Bartholdi included broken shackles at Liberty’s feet—largely hidden from view today. This history is rarely taught in public schools and barely acknowledged at the statue itself.

History Rewritten for Comfort

Instead of honoring emancipation, the dominant narrative of the statue quickly shifted. By the early 20th century, as immigrants passed through Ellis Island, Lady Liberty was rebranded as a welcoming mother figure for “your tired, your poor, your huddled masses.” Emma Lazarus’s poem, added in 1903, sealed this reinterpretation.

Meanwhile, African Americans, Native peoples, and others excluded from the nation’s promises saw the statue not as a beacon of liberty but as a symbol of American hypocrisy. As W.E.B. Du Bois and later James Baldwin noted, liberty without equality is a hollow ideal. But those perspectives were rarely included in school curricula.

Textbooks—especially those approved in conservative-controlled states like Texas—often omit or gloss over this contradiction. Instead, the narrative is one of uninterrupted progress and benevolent nationalism.

Lies My Teacher Told Me and the Myth of Innocence

In Lies My Teacher Told Me, James Loewen documented how U.S. history textbooks routinely distort or omit uncomfortable truths. The real story of the Statue of Liberty—its abolitionist roots, the racial critique it provoked, and its hijacking by immigration mythmakers—is one such truth.

Loewen exposed how textbook publishers tailor content to meet the political requirements of textbook adoption committees, especially in Texas and California, where decisions affect national markets. As a result, statues become decontextualized symbols, and historical figures are flattened into caricatures.

In recent years, state governments in Florida, Texas, and elsewhere have escalated these distortions through direct censorship. Books and curriculum frameworks have been edited to downplay slavery, deny systemic racism, and suppress discussions of gender and sexuality. A 2022 Texas law, for instance, required teachers to present “opposing viewpoints” on issues like the Holocaust and racial inequality. Florida’s Department of Education removed references to “social justice” and “diversity” from textbooks entirely.

These efforts are not new, but they are intensifying. And they reflect a broader struggle over who controls historical memory—and who gets to be remembered.

A Symbol Still in Contest

Today, the Statue of Liberty continues to appear in textbooks, tourism ads, and political speeches. But rarely is it presented as what it originally was: a radical, abolitionist gesture from one republic to another.

By hiding the broken chains at Liberty’s feet—both physically and metaphorically—textbooks have helped maintain a myth of American innocence. They have obscured the ways in which the United States has failed to live up to its promises of freedom and equality.

Reclaiming the true story of the Statue of Liberty is not just a historical correction. It is an act of resistance against political censorship and historical amnesia. It is a reminder that symbols matter—and that who tells the story matters even more.


Sources:

James W. Loewen, Lies My Teacher Told Me: Everything Your American History Textbook Got Wrong
Yasmin Sabina Khan, Enlightening the World: The Creation of the Statue of Liberty
Tyler Stovall, White Freedom: The Racial History of an Idea
Edward Berenson, The Statue of Liberty: A Transatlantic Story
National Park Service: https://www.nps.gov/stli
Florida Department of Education curriculum guidelines (2022-2024)
Texas Senate Bill 3 (2021)

Monday, July 21, 2025

Student Aid and Student Gambling: A Risky Connection (Glen McGhee)

A growing body of research points to an unsettling trend on U.S. college campuses: a significant percentage of students are using financial aid—including federal loans and grants—to gamble.

Multiple recent surveys show that approximately 1 in 5 college students in the United States have used student aid to place bets, particularly through online platforms. With the explosive growth of sports betting apps and the normalization of gambling among young adults, this misuse of public and private education funds raises serious financial, ethical, and policy concerns.

A Look at the Data

Since the Supreme Court struck down the federal ban on sports betting in 2018, gambling—particularly online—has surged in popularity among college-aged individuals. Students have access not only to traditional campus distractions like card games or local casinos, but also to 24/7 mobile apps and websites offering fast payouts and endless opportunities to bet on sports, poker, and other games.

Financial aid, meant to support students' educational costs—tuition, books, housing, and food—is increasingly being used for riskier pursuits. A 2022 survey from Intelligent.com of nearly 1,000 students found that 16.7% of respondents admitted using financial aid or student loan funds to gamble. A follow-up survey in 2023 showed the number had risen to 20%, with most students confirming that access to aid increased their ability to place bets.

Other state-level reports from Nevada and Florida suggest a similar pattern, with 20–21% of students reporting misuse of aid for gambling purposes.

A Dangerous Cycle

The convergence of accessible credit, mobile betting platforms, and normalized gambling culture—often promoted through campus partnerships with major sports betting companies—has created an environment where student gambling is both easy and, in some cases, encouraged.

This behavior comes with serious consequences. Gambling with student aid can lead to:

  • Missed tuition or rent payments

  • Accumulation of unmanageable debt

  • Academic disruption

  • Increased psychological distress and financial insecurity

Students who gamble with loan money not only put their academic futures at risk but also burden themselves with debt obligations that cannot be discharged through bankruptcy. In effect, the use of student loans for gambling amounts to converting long-term federal debt into high-risk leisure spending.

What’s Being Done?

A handful of universities have begun implementing gambling awareness campaigns, and a few states have introduced legislation restricting betting advertisements on campuses. The NFL Foundation has pledged $600,000 toward gambling prevention efforts in higher education, but these measures are modest given the scale of the issue.

Financial aid offices and higher education institutions face difficult questions. Should students who use financial aid for gambling face penalties? Is financial literacy enough to deter this behavior, or is regulation required? Should gambling apps be restricted from targeting students?

Managing Madness

The use of student aid for gambling highlights a critical weakness in how we monitor and distribute public funds in higher education. As gambling becomes more prevalent and more accepted, especially through mobile platforms, policymakers and university leaders will need to consider stronger safeguards—not just to protect taxpayer dollars, but to preserve the financial stability and well-being of students themselves.

Sources:

  • Intelligent.com. (2022, 2023). Surveys on college student gambling habits.

  • GamblingHelp.org. "Problem Gambling Among College Students."

  • Nevada Council on Problem Gambling. (2024).

  • Time Magazine. (2024). “An Explosion in Sports Betting Is Driving Gambling Addiction Among College Students.”

  • The New York Post. (2025). “Online Gambling on the Rise Among High School Students.”

  • Florida Council on Compulsive Gambling. (2023).

Friday, July 18, 2025

Cognitive Dissonance in Conservative Circles: Student Loans, Reproductive Control, and Elite Education

In the fractured landscape of American politics, few ideological camps require as much mental compartmentalization as the contemporary conservative movement—particularly on issues such as student loan forgiveness, reproductive control, and elite education. These contradictions are not incidental; they are foundational to a worldview that champions “freedom” and “responsibility” while selectively applying both.

Student Loan Forgiveness: Moral Hazard for the Working Class?

Conservatives have long framed student loan forgiveness as a dangerous “bailout” for the irresponsible. When the Biden administration announced broad relief for borrowers in 2022, Republican leaders rushed to block the effort, culminating in the Supreme Court’s rejection of the plan in Biden v. Nebraska (2023) [1]. Senator Mitch McConnell called the proposal “socialism,” and GOP-aligned media accused the administration of rewarding “woke” degrees in gender studies and art history.

Yet this outrage over debt relief was largely absent when it came to Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) loan forgiveness. According to data from ProPublica and the U.S. Small Business Administration, many Republican members of Congress, including Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene and Rep. Vern Buchanan, had hundreds of thousands—sometimes millions—of dollars in business loans forgiven under the program [2]. Donald Trump’s companies received over $2 million in PPP loans, much of it forgiven [3].

Meanwhile, millions of working- and middle-class borrowers remain trapped in debt from degrees that were oversold as gateways to stable careers. Many were students at for-profit institutions that have since faced lawsuits or federal scrutiny for misleading advertising and inflated job placement claims [4].

Reproductive Control: The Politics of "Limited" Government

One of the most glaring contradictions in conservative rhetoric is the demand for limited government—except when it comes to controlling women’s bodies. Since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (2022), Republican-led states have rushed to enact abortion bans. As of mid-2025, 14 states have near-total bans in effect, many with no exceptions for rape or incest [5].

While conservatives argue for “parental rights” in education and protest vaccine mandates as government overreach, they have no issue allowing the state to force pregnancy and childbirth. The very people championing “freedom” from mask mandates and climate regulations are often the first to demand criminal penalties for doctors who perform abortions.

This isn’t just hypocrisy—it reflects a selective application of liberty: economic freedom for corporations, religious freedom for evangelicals, but no bodily autonomy for pregnant women, particularly those who are poor or marginalized.

Elite Education: The Ivy League as Both Enemy and Badge of Honor

Conservative disdain for elite universities is both cultural and performative. Schools like Harvard, Yale, and Stanford are routinely criticized as leftist indoctrination centers. Florida Governor Ron DeSantis, for instance, has targeted public university diversity programs and pushed for “anti-woke” education reforms [6].

And yet, the conservative establishment is deeply enmeshed in elite education. Four of the six conservative Supreme Court justices were educated at Harvard or Yale. The Federalist Society, a conservative legal powerhouse, thrives at these institutions. DeSantis himself holds degrees from Yale and Harvard Law.

Wealthy conservative families still pull strings to get their children into Ivy League schools, often through donations or legacy admissions. Meanwhile, conservative media outlets mock first-generation students or those from historically marginalized communities for seeking higher education in the first place. As working-class and rural conservatives are dissuaded from attending college, elite education becomes more exclusive—while still being used to confer legitimacy on conservative power brokers.

The Real Ideological Glue

These contradictions require cognitive dissonance, but they are sustained by a shared grievance narrative: that “real Americans” are being left behind by coastal elites, cultural change, and demographic shifts. In this framework, debt relief for a truck driver is socialism, but forgiveness for a car dealership owner is economic stimulus. Academic freedom is sacred for religious conservatives, but dangerous when exercised by liberal professors. Government intrusion is tyranny—unless it enforces traditional gender roles.

What binds these inconsistencies together is not logic but power. The goal is not to apply principles consistently, but to protect a hierarchy in which wealth, whiteness, patriarchy, and Christian nationalism remain dominant.

Until conservatives confront these contradictions—or acknowledge that their ideology serves different masters depending on context—they will continue to promote a politics of resentment that undermines both higher education and democracy itself.


Sources:

  1. Supreme Court of the United States. Biden v. Nebraska, 600 U.S. ___ (2023). https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/22pdf/22-506_n6io.pdf

  2. ProPublica. “Tracking PPP Loans.” https://projects.propublica.org/coronavirus/bailouts/

  3. Forbes. “Trump Organization and PPP Loans: Over $2 Million Forgiven.” July 2021. https://www.forbes.com/sites/zacheverson/2021/07/06/trump-organizations-ppp-loans-over-2-million-forgiven

  4. U.S. Department of Education. “Borrower Defense to Repayment.” https://studentaid.gov/borrower-defense/

  5. Guttmacher Institute. “State Bans on Abortion Throughout Pregnancy.” Updated May 2025. https://www.guttmacher.org/state-policy/explore/state-policies-later-abortions

  6. The Chronicle of Higher Education. “DeSantis Signs Bills Overhauling Florida Higher Ed.” May 2023. https://www.chronicle.com/article/desantis-signs-bills-overhauling-florida-higher-ed


The Higher Education Inquirer will continue to investigate the ideological contradictions, systemic inequities, and political influence that define U.S. higher education—and its role in American life.

Tuesday, July 15, 2025

Who Rules Higher Education in Florida?

Florida has emerged as a bold experiment in the transformation of American education, a place where the traditional lines between public and private, church and state, learning and indoctrination have become increasingly blurred. The state’s sprawling educational apparatus—from taxpayer-funded religious K–12 schools to politically captured public universities and a booming for-profit college industry—has been reshaped by a tightly knit network of ideological, financial, and political interests. The central question now is no longer just what Florida’s students are learning, but who is deciding what gets taught, who profits, and who is left behind.

This transformation did not begin overnight. It accelerated sharply under the administration of Governor Ron DeSantis, who has leveraged Florida’s educational system as a tool of ideological warfare. But the system’s current shape reflects a deeper pattern of coordinated influence, in which political appointees, religious institutions, for-profit executives, and powerful donors have each claimed a stake in the state’s educational future.

At the K–12 level, Florida now operates the nation’s largest private school voucher program. House Bill 1, passed in 2023, dramatically expanded eligibility, allowing nearly every student in the state to access public funds to attend private schools. The vast majority of these schools are religious in nature, with many promoting evangelical or fundamentalist Christian ideologies. The curricula often reject mainstream science, promote historical revisionism, and enforce gender and sexual conformity. These schools are not subject to the same accreditation or teacher certification standards as public institutions. They are legally permitted to discriminate in admissions, reject LGBTQ+ students, and bypass standardized academic expectations, all while receiving millions in taxpayer subsidies.

The expansion of vouchers has created a shadow education system—one that is state-funded but privately controlled. Some schools operate out of church basements or repurposed office buildings, others are part of large religious networks tied to national political movements. While the promise of "school choice" is used to market these reforms, in practice the policy has enabled a rapid exodus of students from public schools and directed public funds into ideologically driven and poorly regulated institutions. Investigations have revealed schools with histories of fraud, abusive discipline, and woeful academic performance continuing to receive state dollars with little to no oversight.

As students age into adulthood, the ideological structure built in the K–12 years feeds directly into Florida’s remade higher education system. The state’s public universities, long regarded as rising stars in research and student access, have become targets of political intervention. The takeover of New College of Florida in 2023 marked a turning point. Once a small, progressive liberal arts college, New College was transformed into a conservative experiment through political appointments and ideological purges. Faculty were pushed out. Curriculum was rewritten. Leadership was handed to figures with close ties to right-wing think tanks.

This playbook has since been replicated across the State University System. Boards of trustees are now stacked with DeSantis allies. Presidents are chosen not for academic leadership, but for political loyalty. Diversity, equity, and inclusion programs have been banned. Faculty are monitored. Student protests are suppressed. The message is clear: Florida’s public colleges are no longer institutions for the free exchange of ideas—they are instruments of ideological alignment.

Private colleges, meanwhile, have flourished in this environment—especially those aligned with conservative religious values. The University of Miami, while officially nonsectarian, operates in close partnership with powerful biomedical and corporate interests. Rollins College, one of the most prestigious liberal arts schools in the state, remains publicly apolitical but thrives by catering to the children of Florida’s wealthy elite. Religious institutions like Ave Maria University and Palm Beach Atlantic University are more explicit in their missions. Founded with deep connections to conservative Catholic and evangelical movements, these schools are more than just educational spaces—they are ideological outposts for a political and religious project that seeks to reshape American life.

Ave Maria, established by Domino’s Pizza billionaire Tom Monaghan, operates under strict Catholic dogma and enforces a rigid moral code for students. Palm Beach Atlantic champions evangelical Christian values and produces graduates steeped in conservative social teachings. These colleges, along with others in their orbit, often serve as landing pads for students educated in the voucher-funded religious K–12 system. The ideological pipeline is seamless, and its impact is lasting.

Beneath the surface, Florida’s for-profit colleges and credential mills continue to expand, often flying under the radar. Keiser University, once for-profit and now nominally nonprofit, functions much like a for-profit entity, aggressively recruiting students and maximizing revenue through online expansion and federal aid capture. Everglades University, Full Sail University, and dozens of cosmetology, theology, and career schools target working-class Floridians, military veterans, and immigrants with promises of upward mobility. In reality, many of these institutions saddle students with unmanageable debt and provide degrees of questionable value. Oversight is weak. Accreditation standards are often minimal. The end result is a parallel higher education market that profits off desperation and systemic inequality.

Connecting these layers of Florida’s educational system is a network of donors, foundations, and political groups. Organizations like the Council for National Policy, the Heritage Foundation, and the Claremont Institute exert disproportionate influence. Billionaires like Rebekah Mercer, Ken Griffin, and the Uihlein family fund candidates, schools, and think tanks that support the dismantling of public education and the promotion of conservative Christian alternatives. Hillsdale College, though based in Michigan, has launched affiliated charter-style “classical academies” in Florida and supplies training and curriculum to school boards eager to erase what they call “woke indoctrination.”

These efforts are coordinated, strategic, and well-funded. They are not random or reactionary. They represent the construction of a new education regime—one rooted in privatization, obedience, religious orthodoxy, and political control. Academic freedom, democratic engagement, and equitable access are treated not as ideals to strive for, but as threats to be neutralized.

The result is a cradle-to-career system in which education serves power rather than challenging it. From kindergarten classrooms preaching Christian nationalism to public universities led by political appointees to debt traps disguised as colleges, Florida’s students are moving through a system designed not to liberate but to conform. The public is funding it. The powerful are steering it. And for millions of students and families, the promise of education as a ladder to opportunity is becoming another broken dream.

The question of who rules education in Florida has a chillingly clear answer. Those who profit from ignorance. Those who fear critical inquiry. Those who believe education should serve the powerful, not the people. Florida may be the future—but not one built on truth, justice, or enlightenment. It is a future built on control.


Sources

Florida House Bill 1 (2023), Florida Legislature
Orlando Sentinel, “Florida Private Voucher Schools Often Fail Students. The State Still Pays.”
U.S. Department of Education, College Scorecard and IPEDS Data
Florida Department of Education, Private School Directory
Inside Higher Ed, “DEI Ban Signed in Florida”
Chronicle of Higher Education, “The New College Coup”
New York Times, “Florida’s Education Overhaul Has National Implications”
Council for National Policy, internal documents and reporting via The Intercept
IRS Form 990 filings for Keiser University, Ave Maria University, University of Miami
National Student Legal Defense Network, Complaints and Lawsuits Involving Florida Institutions
ProPublica, “The Billionaire Behind Ave Maria’s Catholic Utopia”
Hillsdale College, Barney Charter School Initiative: Partner School Directory and Curriculum

Borrower Defense Story 2: Anxiety & Interest (KH)

[Editor's note: This is the second story in a series about student loan debt and the moral necessity of Borrower Defense to Repayment. The first post is here.] 

My name is KH and I'm from Florida. My student debt crisis is very personal. I attended Kaplan University Online in 2008 while on bed rest after an accident. My family and I were extremely poor and so the idea of a college education to support my growing family was something that was appealing to me. 

My boyfriend at the time was in the agricultural field and only worked 4 or 5 months out of the year. We were so poor that even unmarried with a child he qualified to be on my SNAP and Medicaid applications. 

Once I made the call to Kaplan I was told that a degree would take us out of poverty, and we could live happily ever after. I was promised job placement and training for my future job. None of these things happened. I signed documents that indicated I was low income which allowed Kaplan to request more funding from FAFSA. 

Then the housing market crash of 2008 happened, and I switched majors to clinical psychology (I was told I would be in the therapeutic field once complete). In 2010 I had a phone call that made me look up the difference between FOR profit and nonprofit schools. Realizing I made a mistake, I switched schools to Lynn University which is a private (expensive) nonprofit. They were the only school that would take all of my credits from Kaplan. 

Fast forward to today, I am currently waiting to attend Southeastern Oklahoma State University to complete a Master's degree in School Counseling. 

I have received two different notifications from Mohela, my student loan servicer. The first indicates that I'm in-school deferment but it ends two weeks after I start class. Then my payment plans. There are two plans, one is for 700.00+ dollars and the other for 800.00+ dollars. One of my paychecks is 1700.00. There is no way I can survive with 1/2 my pay. 

I'm in the Borrower's Defense program because of the mismanagement by Kaplan. I also currently have multiple documents with multiple dates for repayment. There is no correct document that indicates what, when, or how I'm supposed to navigate this. Let me also state, the compounding interest is what makes this incredibly hard. I will be paying over 350,000 dollars from 120,000 in loans. 

This is criminal. Period.

Sunday, July 13, 2025

The Functional Poverty of US Higher Education

In 1971, sociologist Herbert J. Gans published The Positive Functions of Poverty, a provocative essay that argued poverty persists not due to a lack of solutions, but because it benefits powerful institutions. Over fifty years later, his thesis haunts U.S. higher education, which does not merely reflect inequality but actively relies on it. The system functions less as an engine of mobility and more as a mechanism for managing and monetizing the poor.

Today, poverty is not an accident of the US higher education system—it is a prerequisite for its operation.

Poverty as Institutional Legitimacy

Colleges and universities frequently promote themselves as pathways out of poverty, showcasing stories of Pell Grant recipients and first-generation students to validate their missions. These narratives help secure federal funding, private donations, and political goodwill. Yet the vast majority of poor students never cross the commencement stage. Instead, their presence serves to bolster institutional credibility while masking the reality of systemic failure.

Programs like TRIO, GEAR UP, and Promise scholarships function not to eliminate poverty, but to manage it. They offer modest hope while ensuring the system continues undisturbed.

Poor Students as a Revenue Stream

The financial foundation of higher education rests heavily on low-income students. For-profit colleges, many of them reincarnated under new branding or partnerships, depend almost entirely on federal aid and student loans tied to impoverished enrollees. These institutions aggressively recruit students with big promises and deliver little in return. Graduation rates remain dismal, while student debt mounts.

Private student lenders have filled the remaining gaps left by federal aid caps and rising tuition. Fintech platforms like SoFi, College Ave, and Earnest offer loans with complex terms and minimal consumer protections, particularly to vulnerable students desperate for access. For many borrowers, this creates a lifetime of indebtedness for a credential that may never yield a return.

The Administrative Industry of Poverty

A burgeoning sector of higher education administration is devoted to managing the symptoms of poverty. Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) offices—now under political assault—often oversee food banks, mental health outreach, and “resilience” programming for first-gen students. Meanwhile, a growing HR specialty has emerged to “track and support” the poor.

These staffers may act with sincere intention, but their existence also reveals the transactional nature of institutional concern. Without poor students to manage, their roles—and the bureaucracies behind them—would shrink. Food insecurity and academic struggle have become normalized to the point that colleges maintain food pantries as a permanent feature of campus life.

Exploiting the Educated Underclass

As sociologist Gary Roth has observed, higher education produces a surplus of credentialed workers with no corresponding demand. These graduates, often from poor backgrounds, return to campus as adjunct faculty, graduate assistants, or gig workers—essential but expendable.

Their labor sustains the system at low cost. They teach core courses, staff libraries, and support faculty research while earning poverty wages themselves. The promise of education becomes a loop of unfulfilled mobility.

Poor Students as Research Subjects

Low-income students are not only sources of revenue and labor—they are also the subjects of academic research. Entire disciplines, from sociology to education and public health, have been built upon the study of poverty. Yet few researchers challenge the institutional structures that perpetuate the very inequalities they document.

Faculty careers flourish. Tenure is won. Grants are secured. The students themselves often see no tangible benefit from this knowledge production.

Reinforcing the Myth of Meritocracy

Elite universities use a handful of poor students to validate the myth of meritocracy. These “success stories” are amplified through PR campaigns, donor appeals, and glossy admissions brochures. They function as symbolic proof that the system works—even as the vast majority of poor students are shunted into lower-tier institutions with fewer resources and worse outcomes.

The truth is clear: wealth remains the strongest predictor of educational success in the United States.

Stratification by Design

The U.S. higher education system is structured to reproduce class hierarchy. Community colleges and regional public universities disproportionately enroll poor and working-class students. Flagship publics and elite privates cater to the children of the professional and ruling classes.

This credentialing hierarchy maintains social order while offering just enough upward mobility to justify its existence.

Political Utility: Blame the Poor

When institutions face financial shortfalls or declining enrollment, they often scapegoat the poor. Students are labeled unprepared, unmotivated, or emotionally fragile. Rarely are structural causes—such as rising tuition, defunded public services, or predatory loan systems—acknowledged.

Neoliberal reforms and conservative attacks on “woke” education continue to target vulnerable populations, obscuring the institutional failures that drive inequity.

Private Equity and the Monetization of Student Housing

One of the latest frontiers in the commodification of poverty within higher education is campus-adjacent real estate. Private equity (PE) firms are aggressively acquiring student housing near flagship state universities, turning basic shelter into another site of financial extraction.

Evidence of PE Expansion:
Private equity firms such as Investcorp, Rockpoint, and KKR have amassed significant portfolios of student housing near schools like the University of Florida, University of Texas at Austin, and College of Charleston. These acquisitions are not random—they target institutions with large, stable enrollment and limited new housing supply.

Rents on the Rise:
In cities like Tampa, rents increased by 49% from 2019 to 2023—a jump partly attributed to institutional investors, although the exact role of PE firms in driving this increase is contested. Still, anecdotal reports and advocacy groups point to rising rents, increased fees, and aggressive management practices following PE takeovers.

Housing Scarcity as Leverage:
While it's difficult to isolate private equity's influence from broader housing shortages and enrollment growth, it's clear that PE is exploiting structural constraints—just as for-profit colleges exploit financial aid loopholes. Where public universities fail to build sufficient housing, private investors step in, profiting from desperation.

A System That Needs Poverty

Herbert Gans argued that poverty survives because it serves essential functions for society’s powerful institutions. In American higher education, this dynamic is not theoretical—it is lived reality. Colleges and universities don’t just educate the poor; they extract value from them at every level.

From student loans and real estate speculation to adjunct labor and administrative bloat, the system is built around managing—not eradicating—poverty.

Until higher education confronts its own complicity in perpetuating structural inequality, it will remain what it is today: an industry that feeds on hope, and thrives on hardship.

Sources
Gans, Herbert J. “The Positive Functions of Poverty.” American Journal of Sociology, 1971.
Roth, Gary. The Educated Underclass: Students and the Promise of Social Mobility. Pluto Press, 2019.
National Center for Education Statistics (NCES)
U.S. Department of Education, College Scorecard
Private Equity Stakeholder Project
RealPage Analytics
Advocacy reports on student housing and rent inflation
Higher Education Inquirer FOIA research files

Saturday, July 12, 2025

Florida Education Association (FEA) and the United Faculty of Florida (UFF), Oppose Politically Driven State Accreditor in Florida

The Florida Education Association (FEA) and the United Faculty of Florida (UFF), representing educators, faculty, and graduate assistants statewide, strongly oppose the state’s creation of a politically driven accreditor for public colleges and universities. 

This move directly threatens the independence, integrity, and academic credibility of the state’s higher education system. By allowing political interference into the accreditation process, the state will continue to erode faculty voice, chill academic freedom, and further politicize hiring, curriculum, and tenure decisions. It sets a dangerous precedent that could fragment national accreditation standards, damage Florida’s academic reputation, and jeopardize our students’ futures, including their federal aid eligibility and degree recognition. 

“Accreditation matters because it’s the backbone of academic freedom, shared governance, and public trust in the quality of our institutions,” said Teresa M. Hodge, President of the United Faculty of Florida. “This proposed state accreditor appears designed to align more with political priorities rather than academic independence. It seems to be the state’s latest attempt to exert top-down control over what faculty can teach and what students are allowed to learn. Our communities don’t need more politics in our education systems—we need systems that are focused on the growth of our students and not on the political whims of whoever is in charge. It is critical that accreditation remain independent of political interference, grounded in academic standards and peer review, as well as transparent and inclusive of shared governance “principles.” 

The implications don’t end at higher education. A shift in accreditation standards will also impact Florida’s Pre-K-12 system in the form of teacher preparation programs at public colleges and universities, certification requirements, and even access to the profession.  

“Time and time again, we’ve seen political agendas take priority over sound education policy,” said Andrew Spar, President of the Florida Education Association. “The creation of this state accreditor could derail the very programs we rely on to train and prepare educators at a time when Florida faces a critical teacher and staff shortage. Even dual enrollment offerings for students could be disrupted. Students learn best when they’re free to learn and educators are free to teach—not when curriculum decisions are dictated by politics.” 

FEA and UFF call for accreditation processes that remain true to their purpose: Independent of political interference, grounded in academic standards and peer review, and inclusive of shared governance. Florida’s students, educators, and communities deserve nothing less. 

###

CONTACT: FEA Press, feapress@floridaea.org, (850) 201-3223

The Florida Education Association is the state’s largest association of professional employees, with more than 120,000 members. FEA represents PreK-12 teachers, higher education faculty, educational staff professionals, students at our colleges and universities preparing to become teachers and retired education employees.

Wednesday, July 2, 2025

Public Higher Education is Splitting in Two (Robert Kelchen)

Even though there have been longstanding ideological differences across states, higher education leadership was largely insulated against these differences over the last half-century. Yes, they popped up in meaningful ways on topics such as South African divestment, affirmative action, and antiwar protests, but it was possible for university leaders to move from red states to blue states and vice versa. It helped to share the state’s political leanings, but it was generally not a requirement.

The last month has clearly shown that potential presidents now must pass an ideological litmus test in order to gain the favor of governing boards and state policymakers. Here are three examples:

Santa Ono’s hiring at Florida was rejected by the system board (after being approved by the campus board) due to his previous positions in favor of diversity initiatives and vaccine mandates. He tried to pivot his views, but it was not enough for Republican appointments on the board.Six red states, led by Florida and North Carolina, are seeking to launch a new accreditor to break free from their longtime accreditor (which was the only major institutional accreditor to never have a DEI requirement, although their diversity page is now blank). Florida Governor Ron DeSantis used his press conference to go on a tirade against higher education, but the North Carolina system’s statement was more cautious, focused on academic quality.
The Trump administration’s Justice Department effectively forced out University of Virginia president James Ryan over his alleged noncompliance in removing diversity initiatives from campus. This effort was successful because Virginia’s Republican governor also supported removal and has the ability to push the institution’s governing board to take action.

While there has been a long history of politicians across the ideological spectrum leading universities (such as Mitch Daniels at Purdue, John King at the State University of New York, and Dannel Molloy at Maine), these politicians have generally set aside most of their ideological priors that are not directly related to running an institution of higher education. But now a growing number of states are expecting their campus presidents to be politicians that are perfectly aligned with their values.

There are two clear takeaways from recent events. The first is that college presidents are now political appointments in the same way that a commissioner of education or a state treasurer would be in many states. Many boards will be instructed (or decide by themselves) to only hire people who are ideologically aligned to lead colleges—and to clean house whenever a new governor comes into power. The median tenure of a college president is rapidly declining, and expect that to continue as more leaders get forced out. Notably, by threatening to withhold funding, governors do not even have to wait for the composition of the board to change before forcing a change in leadership. New presidents will respond by requesting higher salaries to account for that risk.

Second, do not expect many prominent college presidents to switch from red states to blue states or vice versa. (It may still happen among community colleges, but even that will be more difficult). The expectations of the positions are rapidly diverging, and potential leaders are going to have to choose where they want to be. Given the politics of higher education employees, blue-state jobs may be seen as more desirable. But these positions often face more financial constraints due to declining enrollments and tight state budgets, in addition to whatever else comes from Washington. Red-state jobs may come with more resources, but they also are likely to come with more strings attached.

It is also worth noting that even vice president and dean positions are likely to face these same two challenges due to presidential transitions and the desire of some states to clean house within higher education. That makes the future of the administrative pipeline even more challenging.


[This article first appeared at the Robert Kelchen blog.]

Sunday, June 29, 2025

Coalition Building: UFF Activists Learn from Flight Attendants and Construction Workers (HELU Blog)

[Editor's note: This article first appeared at the Higher Education Labor United blog.]

In Florida, where Governor Ron DeSantis was carrying out Trump-style attacks on higher education before the 2024 election, the United Faculty of Florida, a statewide union, gathered organizers from various chapters and joined with other unions to hold a Worker’s Forum in Miami Springs, facilitated by the Miami-Dade DSA. – Editor

From Chris Robé, Professor of Film and Media Studies, Delegate to HELU, Vice-President of United Faculty of Florida, Florida Atlantic University

United Faculty of Florida (UFF), our faculty union, represents more than 25,000 full-time faculty members. During our union’s inception in the early 1970s, it intended on representing all campus workers. But by the time the bargaining unit was defined, only full-time faculty were included.

It is high time to revisit that bolder strategy of organizing all those sectors associated with higher education as HELU has proposed in its bold “wall-to-wall, coast-to-coast” strategy. This inspired a crew of us in Florida to hold our own statewide organizers meeting from various UFF chapters. Coalition building continued more recently as the chapters of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) in Miami-Dade, Broward, and Palm Beach facilitated the South Florida Workers’ Forum on May 31st in Miami Springs at the AFL-CIO hall.

A few of us from various UFF chapters participated and attended with other members from the Communications Workers of America, UNITE HERE, Starbucks Workers United, Association of Flight Attendants, National Association of Letter Carriers, International Union of Painters and Allied Trades, American Federation of Government Employees, the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists, WeCount!, and many other organizations. A little over eighty people were in attendance.

The day consisted of four panels that addressed issues of: building union power; forming a union; fighting against state repression; and organizing for migrant justice. Between four and five people, each representing a different union, spoke briefly about each issue. Spanish translation was offered for those speaking exclusively in Spanish. Sub sandwiches, drinks and chips were provided in the back of the hall throughout the day.

I have written about this event more extensively in my blog, Dispatches from the Academic Trenches, so I will only highlight two inspiring moments during the forum. During the panel on forming a new union, Michael Baez, a flight attendant, mentioned that he was charged with assessing all five-hundred flight attendants’ attitude towards forming a union within his hub. He was the only organizer. Yet one could see in his friendly, upbeat disposition, he was the perfect person for the task. With a wide smile on his face, he informed us how he tried to raise fellow workers’ class-consciousness on flights while they engage in “jump seat therapy,” a term used to describe the way coworkers bare their life stories to each other out of earshot of customers while sitting across from each other during moments of rest.

Jairo, a construction worker who belongs to WeCount!, an immigrant-led workers’ organization, recounted in Spanish his efforts to make construction sites safer. He stated at one point: “We came here with suitcases in our hands in the pursuit of the American Dream. Instead, we find bosses trying to shortchange us and creating unsafe working conditions.” At the end of his talk, he held up his two calloused hands saying: “Remember: these are the hands that helped build Miami. These are also the hands that are building the union.”

It is hard to imagine a more difficult task of organizing workers after the end of a long shift working in construction or on a flight. But these workers served as testimony of doing so. Those of us in academia, where we set many of our own working hours and can use our site of employment for recruiting, have a rather privileged position compared to these other workers.

The opposition is counting on us staying siloed, keeping our heads down, and trying to wait all of this out. But as these speakers at the South Florida Worker’s Forum emphasized, we are all involved in this fight regardless if we acknowledge it or not. The only remaining question is: do we want to fight to strengthen our and others’ communities, work in coalitions and develop friendships and strategies with one another; or do we want to keep taking blows, time after time, day after day, year after year, until we ultimately no longer feel anything at all?

Birth, Control, and Power: A Quick Look at Right-Wing Reproductive Politics

In the modern United States, reproductive politics reveal stark ideological divides, but both the right and the left have histories rooted in controlling human reproduction—often to serve the interests of power. Whether framed as “pro-natalist” family values or “pro-choice” empowerment, these approaches have frequently masked deeper agendas tied to class, race, and social engineering. As the political center collapses, reproductive ideology continues to play a key role in shaping American society, often with lasting consequences for working-class families and marginalized groups.

Right-Wing Natalism and the Specter of Eugenics

Contemporary right-wing natalist movements promote traditional family structures, religious values, and demographic anxieties. Often rooted in white Christian nationalism, this ideology champions increased birth rates among "desirable" populations—namely white, middle-class families—while condemning abortion, birth control, and non-traditional family arrangements. Political figures like J.D. Vance and media figures such as Tucker Carlson have echoed fears of “population collapse,” blaming feminism and liberalism for declining birthrates.

While overt eugenics is largely discredited, its influence persists. The right has shifted from scientific racism to cultural essentialism, but the underlying message remains: certain populations are seen as more valuable than others. Immigration restrictions, anti-abortion laws, and attacks on trans and queer rights are framed as moral issues but functionally serve to preserve a narrow vision of the American demographic future—white, heterosexual, and Christian.

Natalist rhetoric also intersects with state coercion. In states like Texas and Florida, reproductive restrictions disproportionately affect poor women and women of color, echoing older eugenic practices under a new guise. Mass incarceration, forced sterilization of incarcerated women (as recently as the 2010s in California), and limited access to maternal healthcare all suggest that control—not life—is the central concern.

Overpopulation: A Weaponized Narrative

Since the mid-20th century, overpopulation has been a dominant frame in global discourse. Books like The Population Bomb (1968) by Paul Ehrlich warned of mass starvation and environmental collapse due to unchecked population growth. These fears, while partly grounded in real ecological concerns, often served to justify draconian population control policies, particularly in the Global South.

In the U.S., overpopulation rhetoric was used to rationalize sterilization programs aimed at welfare recipients, disabled people, and communities of color. These efforts were framed as humanitarian or scientific, but they disproportionately targeted those deemed unproductive or undesirable by elites.

Today, overpopulation remains a contentious issue. On the right, it's often reframed as a problem of immigration and "replacement theory"—xenophobic ideas suggesting that white populations are being “outbred” by non-white groups. On the left, it's still tied to environmental collapse, but often without sufficient attention to the vastly unequal consumption patterns between the wealthy and the poor.

For college students, the overpopulation narrative intersects with rising eco-anxiety and economic precarity. Some students are choosing to remain child-free due to fears about climate change, resource scarcity, or financial instability. Yet this “choice” is not made in a vacuum—it is shaped by decades of messaging that human reproduction is a threat to planetary survival, even while corporations and elites continue to pollute without consequence.

The result is a generational bind: students are told to postpone or forgo family life for the greater good, even as they face mounting student debt, poor job prospects, and a degraded public sphere. The message is clear: the future is too bleak, too crowded, too uncertain—and it’s your responsibility not to make it worse.

College Students and the New Reproductive Landscape

College students—especially first-generation, low-income, or minority students—are caught between conflicting reproductive ideologies and economic realities. They are pressured to delay or avoid parenthood in order to complete their degrees, often while facing mounting debt and precarious living conditions.

Student parents—particularly single mothers—face enormous obstacles, from lack of campus childcare to inflexible class schedules and financial aid rules that penalize dependents. The unspoken message: reproduction and higher education are incompatible, unless one is wealthy enough to afford both.

At the same time, some conservative institutions and religious colleges promote pro-natalist ideologies, pressuring students—especially women—to embrace early motherhood and traditional family roles. In both cases, the student’s autonomy is sidelined by institutional agendas: either to create compliant future workers or to produce ideologically aligned citizens.

Public funding cuts, rising tuition, and the gig economy have made the promise of “upward mobility through education” increasingly hollow. For many, the decision to have a child while in college is less about personal freedom than about economic calculation—one shaped by the policies, ideologies, and silences of both the political left and right.

Two Sides of the Same Coin?

While the rhetoric differs—moral purity on the right, liberation on the left—both camps have historically supported forms of population management, often justified through appeals to science, economics, or national interest. Whether through coercive sterilizations or technocratic birth control initiatives, these policies have frequently dehumanized the very people they claim to help.

For the growing educated underclass—trapped between low-wage work and rising debt—the terrain of reproduction is fraught. On one side, there are calls to breed for the nation. On the other, offers of chemical and surgical solutions to economic despair. Neither speaks to the structural problems of inequality, environmental crisis, or a broken social contract.

Beyond Reproduction as Control

A truly humane reproductive politics would begin with material support for families of all kinds—paid parental leave, universal healthcare, free childcare, and the end of punitive welfare systems. It would recognize that real choice requires real power: over time, bodies, labor, education, and futures.

Until then, both right-wing natalism and liberal reproductive policy risk reproducing old hierarchies under new names. They are less about life, liberty, or autonomy—and more about managing who gets to live, and under what conditions.