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Tuesday, November 11, 2025

Divestment from Predatory Education Stocks: A Moral Imperative

Calls for divestment from exploitative industries have long been part of movements for social and economic justice—whether opposing apartheid, fossil fuels, or private prisons. Today, another sector demands moral scrutiny: the network of for-profit education corporations and student loan servicers that have turned higher learning into a site of mass indebtedness and despair. From predatory colleges to the companies that profit from collecting on student debt, the system functions as a pipeline of extraction. For those who believe education should serve the public good, the issue is not merely financial—it is moral.

The Human Cost of Predatory Education

For decades, for-profit college chains such as Corinthian Colleges, ITT Tech, the University of Phoenix, DeVry, and Capella targeted low-income students, veterans, single parents, and people of color with high-pressure marketing and promises of career advancement. These institutions, funded primarily through federal student aid, often charged premium tuition for substandard programs that left graduates worse off than when they began.

When Corinthian and ITT Tech collapsed, they left hundreds of thousands of students with worthless credits and mountains of debt. But the collapse did not end the exploitation—it simply shifted it. The business model has re-emerged in online form through education technology and “online program management” (OPM) firms such as 2U, Coursera, and Academic Partnerships. These firms, in partnership with elite universities like Harvard, Yale, and USC, replicate the same dynamics of inflated costs, opaque contracts, and limited accountability.

The Servicing of Debt as a Business Model

Beyond the schools themselves, student loan servicers and collectors—Maximus, Sallie Mae, and Navient among them—have built immense profits from managing and pursuing student debt. Sallie Mae, once a government-sponsored enterprise, was privatized in the 2000s and evolved into a powerful lender and loan securitizer. Navient, its spinoff, became notorious for deceptive practices and aggressive collections that trapped borrowers in cycles of delinquency.

Maximus, a major federal contractor, now services defaulted student loans on behalf of the U.S. Department of Education. These companies profit directly from the misery of borrowers—many of whom are victims of predatory schools or structural inequality. Their incentive is not to liberate students from debt, but to sustain and expand it.

The Role of Institutional Investors

The complicity of institutional investors cannot be ignored. Pension funds, endowments, and major asset managers have consistently financed both for-profit colleges and loan servicers, even after repeated scandals and lawsuits. Public sector pension funds—ironically funded by educators—have held stock in Navient, Maximus, and large for-profit college operators. Endowments that pride themselves on ethical or ESG investing have too often overlooked education profiteering.

Investment firms like BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street collectively hold billions of dollars in these companies, stabilizing an industry that thrives on the financial vulnerability of students. To profit from predatory education is to participate, however indirectly, in the commodification of aspiration.

Divestment as a Moral and Educational Act

Divesting from predatory education companies and loan servicers is not just an act of conscience—it is an educational statement in itself. It affirms that learning should be a vehicle for liberation, not a mechanism of debt servitude. When universities, pension boards, and faith-based investors divest from corporations like Maximus, Navient, and 2U, they are reclaiming education’s moral purpose.

The divestment movement offers a broader civic lesson: that profit and progress are not synonymous, and that investment must align with justice. Faith communities, student debt activists, and labor unions have made similar stands before—against apartheid, tobacco, and fossil fuels. The same principle applies here. An enterprise that depends on deception, coercion, and financial harm has no place in a socially responsible portfolio.

A Call to Action

Transparency is essential. Pension boards, university endowments, and foundations must disclose their holdings in for-profit education and student loan servicing companies. Independent investigations should assess the human consequences of these investments, particularly their disproportionate impact on women, veterans, and people of color.

The next step is moral divestment. Educational institutions, public pension systems, and religious organizations should commit to withdrawing investments from predatory education stocks and debt servicers. Funds should be redirected to debt relief, community college programs, and initiatives that restore trust in education as a public good.

The corporate education complex—spanning recruitment, instruction, lending, and collection—has monetized both hope and hardship. The time has come to sever public and institutional complicity in this cycle. Education should empower, not impoverish. Divestment is not merely symbolic—it is a declaration of values, a demand for accountability, and a reaffirmation of education’s original promise: to serve humanity rather than exploit it.


Sources:

  • U.S. Department of Education, Borrower Defense to Repayment Reports

  • Senate HELP Committee, For Profit Higher Education: The Failure to Safeguard the Federal Investment and Ensure Student Success (2012)

  • Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB) enforcement actions against Navient and Sallie Mae

  • The Century Foundation, Online Program Managers and the Public Interest

  • Student Borrower Protection Center, Profiting from Pain: The Financialization of the Student Debt Crisis

  • Higher Education Inquirer archives

Monday, November 10, 2025

THURSDAY: "The New Mayor of New York City" on Zoom (CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies)

 

Thu. November 13: Zoom only


The New Mayor of New York City:

A Post-Election Debrief

A City Works Media Roundtable moderated by Laura Flanders

 


Thursday, November 13

1:00pm - 2:30pm

Virtual-only via Zoom. Free and open to all.

 


Click here to register.

Please register to access virtual event info and reminders. 

(slucuny.swoogo.com/13November2025/register)

 


Guest Speakers:

Claudia Irizarry Aponte - Labor and Work Reporter, THE CITY; Faculty, CUNY Newmark School of Journalism


Liza Featherstone - Columnist, Jacobin and The New Republic; Contributing Writer, The Nation


Amir Khafagy - Senior Labor Reporter, Documented


Maya King - Politics Reporter, The New York Times


Moderator:

Laura Flanders - Host, Laura Flanders & Friends; Host, City Works


Maya King

Amir Khafagy

Claudia Irizarry Aponte

Liza Featherstone

Laura Flanders


Tune in for a live City Works post-election roundtable that the Murphy Institute at CUNY SLU is organizing to discuss initial analysis and reactions to the election for the next mayor of New York City. The roundtable will be moderated by award-winning journalist Laura Flanders.


Panelists will compare actual election results to their pre-election reporting on the mayoral race, pre-election polls and voter analysis, and general media coverage of the candidates. Speakers will provide our audience with insights on the actual voting results, including demographic/geographic trends that emerged in the electorate, and the impact that labor and social movements had on the election. Following the roundtable discussion, we will select questions from the live virtual audience to present to the panel for their comments.


Tue. December 9: in-person & Zoom event


The 2005 NYC Transit Workers Strike: 

Reflections on the 20th Anniversary

A conversation with Roger Toussaint, former president of TWU Local 100

 

Tuesday, December 9

6:30pm – 8:30pm (New York / E.T.)

 

In-person at CUNY SLU (map) &

Virtual via Zoom livestream

Free and open to all.

 

Click here to register.

Please register to access in-person and virtual event info and reminders. 

(slucuny.swoogo.com/9December2025)

 

Guest Speaker:

Roger Toussaint - Former President, Transport Workers Union Local 100

 

Featuring:

Joshua B. Freeman - Author, Working-Class New York: Life and Labor since World War II (2000) and Garden Apartments: The History of a Low-Rent Utopia (2025)


Kafui Attoh - Associate Professor, CUNY School of Labor and Urban Studies; Author, Rights in Transit: Public Transportation and the Right to the City in California’s East Bay (2019)

 

Roger Toussaint



Joshua Freeman



Kafui Attoh




The 2005 NYC transit workers strike, led by Transport Workers Union (TWU) Local 100 under Roger Toussaint, remains deeply relevant to American workers in 2025. It highlights enduring lessons about labor militancy and the challenges of taking bold action in the face of legal repression and public sector austerity. The strike was a rare instance of a major U.S. union defying anti-strike laws—specifically New York’s Taylor Law—shutting down a city of millions to protect pension rights and resist a two-tier workforce.

 

How did TWU Local 100 mobilize an entire city to support workers, despite a hostile, well-funded corporate media campaign to vilify transit workers? What was won—and lost—as a result of the strike? What are the key lessons?

 

Join us on the 20th anniversary of the historic 2005 transit workers strike to learn from Roger Toussaint, former president of TWU Local 100; Joshua Freeman, labor historian and author of Working-Class New York: Life and Labor since World War II; and Kafui Attoh, Professor of Urban Studies at CUNY SLU.

US Senate Reopens the Government—But Leaves the Working Class Behind

The U.S. Senate’s vote to reopen the federal government on Sunday will likely end a painful 40-day shutdown, but it does so at a cost that goes far beyond missed paychecks and delayed services. The deal, driven by pressure to restore “normalcy,” comes with an implicit betrayal: millions of Americans who rely on Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies are being left in limbo.

Those subsidies—lifelines for low- and middle-income Americans—are now set to expire at the end of the year. The so-called “continuing resolution” passed the Senate with bipartisan relief, but no guarantee that these critical supports will continue. In practical terms, Congress chose to reopen the government by walking away from those who most need its help.

A Shutdown Ends, but the Austerity Logic Continues

The 2025 shutdown was the longest in modern U.S. history, the result of partisan fights over spending and political maneuvering around health care. During that time, millions of Americans faced uncertainty: furloughed workers, delayed SNAP benefits, shuttered Head Start centers, and frozen federal contracts.

Now that the government is back in business, the same austerity logic remains intact. While defense spending and tax breaks for the wealthy are protected, basic supports like subsidized health insurance are treated as optional. It’s a familiar story—one that echoes through higher education, housing, and labor markets.

The End of ACA Subsidies Means a New Working-Class Squeeze

The ACA subsidies that expanded during the pandemic allowed millions of Americans—often those working multiple jobs without employer coverage—to afford health care for the first time. With their expiration looming, premiums are expected to skyrocket. For some, costs could double or triple.

This isn’t just about “health care.” It’s about how the American system continually shifts burdens downward. Families will make impossible choices: health coverage or rent, insulin or food, doctor visits or student loan payments.

At the same time, Senate Republicans have embraced Donald Trump’s renewed call to “replace Obamacare”—a move that could dismantle what’s left of the safety net altogether. 

The Broader Pattern: Abandoning the Working Class

The Senate’s actions fit a larger pattern of bipartisan neglect. Each “deal” that avoids short-term crisis seems to deepen long-term inequity.

  • In health care: subsidies expire, Medicaid rolls shrink, and hospital mergers raise costs.

  • In higher education: student debtors are promised relief but face new barriers, while for-profit and “online program management” companies continue to profit.

  • In housing: low-income tenants are told to prove future earnings or risk eviction, even as rent outpaces inflation.

  • In labor: wage stagnation persists, union power declines, and automation and AI make employment more precarious.

For Generation Z and millennials—already burdened with debt, low job security, and unaffordable housing—the message is consistent: you’re on your own.

Health and Education: Two Fronts of the Same Struggle

Health and education are supposed to be public goods, but both have become profit centers managed by corporate intermediaries and politicians chasing donors.

In health care, private insurers dominate ACA marketplaces. In higher ed, the same dynamic exists: online program managers (OPMs) and corporate lenders extract money while students shoulder debt. The government’s role becomes one of stabilizing markets—not stabilizing lives.

And when the working class pushes back—through union drives, debt strikes, or demands for universal health care—they’re met with the same refrain: “We can’t afford it.”

Austerity in a Time of Plenty

What’s striking is that this “fiscal responsibility” always targets the vulnerable. There’s no serious debate about clawing back corporate tax breaks or limiting Pentagon contracts. But when it comes to healthcare subsidies or student loan forgiveness, the belt suddenly tightens.

The working class subsidizes the rich, while being told that government aid is an indulgence. This political economy of scarcity has consequences—measured in bankruptcies, untreated illness, and despair.

Which Side Are You On?

When Woody Guthrie’s generation faced inequality, they had a rallying cry:

“Which side are you on, boys, which side are you on?”

That question remains as urgent as ever. The Senate’s decision to reopen government while discarding health care protections for millions tells us whose side Washington is on—and it’s not the side of the working class.

Until policymakers see health, housing, and education as human rights rather than bargaining chips, “reopening government” will be little more than a hollow ritual of restoration—for a system that keeps leaving its people behind.


Sources:

  • Time: “What to Know About the Deal to End the Shutdown” (Nov. 2025)

  • Al Jazeera: “US Senate nears vote on bill to end 40-day government shutdown” (Nov. 2025)

  • Financial Times: “Senators take first step to end US government shutdown” (Nov. 2025)

  • The Guardian: “Senate Republicans embrace Trump’s call to replace Obamacare” (Nov. 2025)

  • Detroit Free Press: “Michigan's U.S. senators reject deal to end shutdown” (Nov. 2025)

Muckraking and the Modern University

From the Gilded Age to the digital era, muckraking has served as a check on concentrated power. It has exposed exploitation in factories, corruption in government, racial terror, and corporate deceit. Today, that same spirit is urgently needed in higher education—an industry that has become both immensely wealthy and profoundly unequal.


Ida B. Wells and the Moral Foundation of Muckraking (1890s)

Modern investigative reporting begins with Ida B. Wells, who in the late 19th century documented the horrors of lynching and the complicity of institutions in perpetuating racial terror. In Southern Horrors (1892) and The Red Record (1895), Wells used data, testimony, and moral clarity to challenge both white supremacy and institutional silence.

Her courage established muckraking not just as journalism but as moral resistance—a template for confronting systemic injustice, whether in government, business, or education.


Thorstein Veblen and the Rise of the Business University (1918)

By the early 20th century, universities themselves had become powerful institutions. Thorstein Veblen, in The Higher Learning in America (1918), described how trustees, presidents, and donors increasingly treated scholarship as a commodity. The pursuit of truth was subordinated to the pursuit of prestige and profit. Veblen’s critique presaged the administrative bloat, branding culture, and market-driven priorities now standard in higher education.


Upton Sinclair and The Goosestep (1923)

Upton Sinclair, in The Goosestep: A Study of American Education (1923), argued that elite universities were “factories for the ruling class.” Trustees dictated policy, suppressed dissenting faculty, and produced graduates conditioned to serve wealth and power. Sinclair’s critique resonates a century later, as universities remain highly responsive to donors and financial interests rather than the public good.


Jessica Mitford and Corporate Exploitation (1960s)

Jessica Mitford, best known for The American Way of Death (1963), brought investigative rigor to industries that relied on secrecy, public trust, and consumer inattention. Her work exposed how profit motives could exploit vulnerability and regulatory gaps. Mitford’s methodology—meticulous documentation, ethical outrage, and clear writing—provides a model for exposing modern higher education practices that prioritize revenue over students’ welfare.


Digital Muckraking: OPMs and 2U (21st Century)

In the 21st century, online program managers (OPMs) like 2U, Inc. have commercialized education in new ways. Chip Paucek, co-founder and longtime CEO of 2U, built partnerships with elite universities offering certificates and degrees that were sometimes of questionable value, while profiting from revenue-sharing agreements.

When independent journalists examined these arrangements and their implications for students and adjunct labor, they sometimes faced threats of litigation. The ongoing Paucek v. Shaulis case (filed 2024, and still pending) illustrates the modern challenge: exposing systemic issues in higher education can trigger lawsuits designed to intimidate or silence critics.


The Chilling Effect of Legal Retaliation

Even unfounded lawsuits can suppress critical reporting. Independent journalists, adjuncts, and whistleblowers often lack the resources to defend themselves against legal pressure. This modern form of censorship echoes the intimidation faced by Wells, Sinclair, and Mitford in their respective eras.

Higher education, increasingly operated like a business, has become vulnerable to this kind of silencing. Public interest and accountability require journalists who are willing to persist despite the risks.


The Enduring Importance of Muckraking

From Wells’ moral courage, to Veblen’s economic critique, Sinclair’s exposé of elite conformity, and Mitford’s corporate investigations, muckrakers have shaped public understanding and accountability. Today, independent journalism is one of the few mechanisms capable of exposing predatory practices, financial manipulation, and labor exploitation in higher education.

As Wells wrote, “The way to right wrongs is to turn the light of truth upon them.” That light has always been costly—but without it, universities risk becoming oligarchies rather than public institutions.


Reclaiming the Public Good (If That's Possible) 

Muckraking is civic duty. It insists that higher education be judged not by prestige or endowment size, but by service to students and society. Independent journalists must continue the Wells–Veblen–Sinclair–Mitford tradition, confronting power, exposing exploitation, and demanding accountability.


Sources

  • Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors (1892); The Red Record (1895)

  • Thorstein Veblen, The Higher Learning in America (1918)

  • Upton Sinclair, The Goosestep: A Study of American Education (1923)

  • Jessica Mitford, The American Way of Death (1963)

  • Harriet A. Washington, Medical Apartheid (2006)

  • Elisabeth Rosenthal, An American Sickness (2017)

  • Higher Education Inquirer archives, 2014–2025

  • Paucek v. Shaulis (filed October 2024, pending 2025)

Friday, November 7, 2025

South University Faces $35.4 Million Balloon Payment Amid Limited Oversight

[Editor's note: On October 29, 2025, the Higher Education Inquirer emailed South University for a status update. South University did not respond. On November 1, 2025, Benjamin DeGweck replaced Steven Yoho as CEO and Chancellor.]

South University, a former for-profit college network now operating under nonprofit ownership, is facing a $35 million balloon payment this month on a loan obtained through the Federal Reserve’s Main Street Lending Program. The looming debt and the school’s status on Heightened Cash Monitoring (HCM) raise questions about financial stability and the adequacy of regulatory oversight in the nonprofit higher education sector.


A Heavy Loan Load

According to publicly available financial statements, South University carries more than $35 million in long-term debt maturing this month, part of a $50 million Main Street loan issued during the COVID-19 pandemic. The approaching balloon payment represents a major financial test for an institution already under federal scrutiny and struggling with declining enrollment.


Heightened Cash Monitoring—But Limited Oversight

South University is currently listed under Heightened Cash Monitoring (HCM) by the U.S. Department of Education, a status that requires extra documentation before federal aid funds are released. While the designation signals potential financial or compliance issues, it does not necessarily result in strong day-to-day oversight.

The school remains accredited by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges (SACSCOC)—an accreditor known for minimal intervention in institutional finances unless there is clear evidence of collapse. This means that despite the HCM flag, South University continues to operate with significant autonomy, even as federal and student aid dollars flow through additional administrative checks.


A Complicated Legacy

South University’s story is deeply tied to the rise and fall of the for-profit college industry. Once part of Education Management Corporation (EDMC), the school was sold in 2017 to the ill-fated Dream Center Education Holdings (DCEH). When DCEH collapsed in 2019, the Education Principle Foundation (EPF)—a nonprofit—took over South University and The Art Institutes. South University is now an independent non-profit enterprise.  


A Pattern of Fragile Conversions

South University’s precarious position reflects a larger trend: the conversion of failing for-profit schools into nominal nonprofits that rely on tuition, federal aid, and private service contracts to survive. These conversions often preserve the same management structures and business practices while benefiting from the public trust and tax advantages of nonprofit status.

The $35 million balloon payment highlights the risks of these financial engineering strategies—especially when public money is involved but public accountability is weak.


What Comes Next

With the 2025 deadline approaching, South University faces a pivotal decision: refinance the Main Street loan, restructure operations, or seek new capital through other partners.

If the institution falters, students could once again be caught in the aftermath of a sector-wide collapse—echoing the failures of EDMC, DCEH, and the Art Institutes.

For now, South University continues to operate with limited transparency, under a light-touch accreditor, and with a multimillion-dollar federal debt hanging over its future.


Sources: