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Showing posts with label Trump. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Trump. Show all posts

Saturday, February 8, 2025

What now for the US Department of Education?

What happens now with the US Department of Education now that Elon Musk claims that it no longer exists? It's hard to know yet, and even more difficult after removing career government workers that we have known for years.  

We are saddened to hear of contacts we know, hard working and capable people, in an agency that has been understaffed and politicized. 

We also worry for the hundreds of thousands of student loan debtors who have borrower defense to repayment claims against schools that systematically defrauded them--and have not yet received justice.   

And what about all those FAFSA (financial aid) forms for students starting and continuing their schooling? How will they be processed in a timely manner?

Without funding and oversight, the Department of Education looks nearly dead. But with millions of poor and disabled children relying on Title I funding and IDEA and tens of millions more with federal student student loans, it's hard to imagine those functions disappearing for good.  

Let's see how much slack is taken up by private enterprise and religious nonprofits who may benefit from the pain. With student loans, much of the work has already been contracted out. It would not be out of the question for the student loan portfolio to be sold off to corporations who could profit from it. And that may or may not require Congressional approval.  

Thursday, February 6, 2025

Higher Education Inquirer Investigating White House, DOGE Communications

 
The Higher Education Inquirer (HEI) is investigating email communications between the White House and DOGE regarding the US Department of Education Federal Student Aid (FSA).  HEI has been using FOIA responses for a number of years to expose corruption in the US higher education business. The White House has 20 days to acknowledge receipt. We will let you know if and when we get any responses from the White House.  

Rep. Scholten, Oversight Dems Introduce Bill to Hold Musk, DOGE Accountable to the American Taxpayer

(Press Release)

Today, U.S. Congresswoman Hillary Scholten (MI03) introduced the Consistent Legal Expectations and Access to Records (CLEAR) Act, which clarifies that temporary organizations created under 5 USC 3161, like DOGE, are subject to FOIA. Given the breadth of power these organizations wield, they should be subject to the same standard of scrutiny and public information sharing that other agencies are beholden to. 

As it currently stands, DOGE does not need to comply with FOIA requests from the American public. Scholten is joined by House Committee on Oversight and Reform Ranking Member Gerry Connolly (VA11), Dave Min (CA47), and Kweisi Mfume (MD07) as co-leads on her legislation.

“In the first two weeks of Trump’s second term, chaos has reigned and has many asking… what is happening? An unelected businessman with numerous conflicts of interest has been given unprecedented access to government data and Americans' personal information. These are taxpayer dollars he’s controlling, and the American people deserve to know what’s happening. Knowledge is power, and in America, that power belongs to the people. My bill will make sure that no president, Republican or Democrat, can hide their actions from the American people,” said Rep. Scholten.

President Trump created DOGE through an executive order using an authority that allows the president to set up "temporary organizations." Congresswoman Scholten introduced this legislation to make it clear that any organization created this way is automatically subject to FOIA. The bill would apply retroactively, meaning all of DOGE’s records since it was formed would become public if the legislation is signed into law.

[Editor's note: The Higher Education Inquirer has requested digital copies of all emails between the White House and DOGE sent or received on February 5, 2025.] 

Wednesday, February 5, 2025

Nils Gilman on Trump's coming assault on universities (Matthew Sheffield, Theory of Change)


The second term of Donald Trump has officially begun, but despite all the things he’s unveiled in the past several weeks, we don’t know fully what his policies are going to be over the next four years. 

That is in part because Trump himself is a very erratic figure who says things that are nonsensical, even by his own standards. And also because while there are documents such as Project 2025 which were created by Trump's ideological allies in the reactionary movement, that document itself is not particularly detailed in a number of ways.

But one thing we can be sure is going to happen in the second Trump administration is that he will conduct a full-scale assault on America's colleges and universities. As a candidate, he did promise to create taxes on private university endowments. And he also talked about removing the funding for universities that don't bow to his various censorship demands.

Unlike a number of other Trumpian boasts and threats, he is very likely to follow through on these ones because Republicans in a number of states and localities have enacted many of the policies that Trump has talked about doing on the campaign trail.

Joining me today to talk about all this is Nils Gilman, a friend of the show who is the chief operating officer at the Berggruen Institute, a think tank in Southern California that publishes Noema Magazine. He is also the former associate chancellor at the University of California, Berkeley, where he saw first-hand just what the [00:02:00] Republican vision for education in the United States is. He’s also the co-author of a new book called Children of a Modest Star, which we discuss at the end of the episode.    

The US Will Lose To China If It Doesn’t Stop (Rogue Rocket)


Saturday, February 1, 2025

Report from Eloy Detention Center (Rebel Diaz)

A report about mass incarceration in Eloy, Arizona, from Rebel Diaz, the Chilean American political hip hop duo of Rodrigo Venegas (RodStarz) and Gonzalo Venegas (G1). For 18 years, Rebel Diaz has used their music to educate, agitate, and organize working class folks across the globe.  Much of their music is here

Un informe sobre el encarcelamiento masivo en Eloy, Arizona, de Rebel Diaz, el dúo de hip hop político chileno-estadounidense formado por Rodrigo Venegas (RodStarz) y Gonzalo Venegas (G1). Durante 18 años, Rebel Diaz ha utilizado su música para educar, agitar y organizar a la clase trabajadora en todo el mundo.

Related links:

Rebel Diaz TV on YouTube

Rebel Díaz’ Rodrigo Starz: Empowering Communities with New FREE FAMILY PORTRAITS Album (Latino Rebels)

Rebel Diaz: A musical legacy of activism

Department of Justice stops federally-funded legal aid, affecting detained Arizona immigrants (AZPM)

Thursday, January 30, 2025

Trump blames Biden, DEI for D.C. plane crash (Washington Post)


Colombia, first nationals deported under the Donald Trump administration arrived (TeleSur English)

The first flights carrying migrants deported from the United States to Colombia. The Colombian government confirmed on Tuesday that two planes carrying migrants had landed. Some were reportedly shackled. A total of 201 migrants: 110 sent from California and 90 from Texas were on board. Among the deportees were two pregnant women and more than 20 children. The cost to US taxpayers is estimated to be $100,000 to $700,000 per flight. The long-term costs and consequences of this program with Latin America, like many others over the last century, have not been estimated. 

Friday, January 24, 2025

U.S. Department of Education's Trump Appointees and America First Agenda

The U.S. Department of Education has announced a team of senior-level political appointees who will support the implementation of President Trump’s America First agenda.  

The Trump Administration, by Executive Order, has already required colleges and universities to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion measures and schools are scrambling to be compliant with this new federal policy. New policies may also affect grants from the Department of Health and Human Services, which includes the Food and Drug Administration, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the National Institutes of Health.

Notable actions the Department of Education has already taken include: 

  • Dissolution of the Department’s Diversity & Inclusion Council, effective immediately;
  • Dissolution of the Employee Engagement Diversity Equity Inclusion Accessibility Council (EEDIAC) within the Office for Civil Rights (OCR), effective immediately and pursuant to President Trump’s Executive Order “Ending Radical and Wasteful Government DEI Programs and Preferencing”;
  • Cancellation of ongoing DEI training and service contracts which total over $2.6 million;
  • Withdrawal of the Department’s Equity Action Plan;
  • Placement of career Department staff tasked with implementing the previous administration’s DEI initiatives on paid administrative leave; and
  • Identification for removal of over 200 web pages from the Department’s website that housed DEI resources and encouraged schools and institutions of higher education to promote or endorse harmful ideological programs.

At least four appointees to the Department of Education, as well as including incoming Secretary of Education Linda McMahon, have worked at the America First Policy Institute (AFPI). AFPI's higher education proposals are posted here and noted at the bottom of this article. AFPI has been accused of using dark money to prevent student loan forgiveness and its rhetoric clearly advances this agenda.

Rachel Oglesby – Chief of Staff

Rachel Oglesby most recently served as America First Policy Institute's Chief State Action Officer & Director, Center for the American Worker. In this role, she worked to advance policies that promote worker freedom, create opportunities outside of a four-year college degree, and provide workers with the necessary skills to succeed in the modern economy, as well as leading all of AFPI’s state policy development and advocacy work. She previously worked as Chief of Policy and Deputy Chief of Staff for Governor Kristi Noem in South Dakota, overseeing the implementation of the Governor’s pro-freedom agenda across all policy areas and state government agencies. Oglesby holds a master’s degree in public policy from George Mason University and earned her bachelor’s degree in philosophy from Wake Forest University. 


Jonathan Pidluzny – Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy and Programs 

Jonathan Pidluzny most recently served as Director of the Higher Education Reform Initiative at the America First Policy Institute. Prior to that, he was Vice President of Academic Affairs at the American Council of Trustees and Alumni, where his work focused on academic freedom and general education. Jonathan began his career in higher education teaching political science at Morehead State University, where he was an associate professor, program coordinator, and faculty regent from 2017-2019. He received his Ph.D from Boston College and holds a bachelor’s degree and master’s degree from the University of Alberta. 

Chase Forrester – Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations 

Virginia “Chase” Forrester most recently served as the Chief Events Officer at America First Policy Institute, where she oversaw the planning and execution of 80+ high-profile events annually for AFPI’s 22 policy centers, featuring former Cabinet Officials and other distinguished speakers. Chase previously served as Operations Manager on the Trump-Pence 2020 presidential campaign, where she spearheaded all event operations for the Vice President of the United States and the Second Family. Chase worked for the National Republican Senatorial Committee during the Senate run-off races in Georgia and as a fundraiser for Members of Congress. Chase graduated from Clemson University with a bachelor’s degree in political science and a double-minor in Spanish and legal studies.

Steve Warzoha – White House Liaison

Steve Warzoha joins the U.S. Department of Education after most recently serving on the Trump-Vance Transition Team. A native of Greenwich, CT, he is a former local legislator who served on the Education Committee and as Vice Chairman of both the Budget Overview and Transportation Committees. He is also an elected leader of the Greenwich Republican Town Committee. Steve has run and served in senior positions on numerous local, state, and federal campaigns. Steve comes from a family of educators and public servants and is a proud product of Greenwich Public Schools and an Eagle Scout. 

Tom Wheeler – Principal Deputy General Counsel 

Tom Wheeler’s prior federal service includes as the Acting Assistant Attorney General for Civil Rights at the U.S. Department of Justice, a Senior Advisor to the White House Federal Commission on School Safety, and as a Senior Advisor/Counsel to the Secretary of Education. He has also been asked to serve on many Boards and Commissions, including as Chair of the Hate Crimes Sub-Committee for the Federal Violent Crime Reduction Task Force, a member of the Department of Justice’s Regulatory Reform Task Force, and as an advisor to the White House Coronavirus Task Force, where he worked with the CDC and HHS to develop guidelines for the safe reopening of schools and guidelines for law enforcement and jails/prisons. Prior to rejoining the U.S. Department of Education, Tom was a partner at an AM-100 law firm, where he represented federal, state, and local public entities including educational institutions and law enforcement agencies in regulatory, administrative, trial, and appellate matters in local, state and federal venues. He is a frequent author and speaker in the areas of civil rights, free speech, and Constitutional issues, improving law enforcement, and school safety. 

Craig Trainor – Deputy Assistant Secretary for Policy, Office for Civil Rights 

Craig Trainor most recently served as Senior Special Counsel with the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on the Judiciary under Chairman Jim Jordan (R-OH), where Mr. Trainor investigated and conducted oversight of the U.S. Department of Justice, including its Civil Rights Division, the FBI, the Biden-Harris White House, and the Intelligence Community for civil rights and liberties abuses. He also worked as primary counsel on the House Judiciary’s Subcommittee on the Constitution and Limited Government’s investigation into the suppression of free speech and antisemitic harassment on college and university campuses, resulting in the House passing the Antisemitism Awareness Act of 2023. Previously, he served as Senior Litigation Counsel with the America First Policy Institute under former Florida Attorney General Pam Bondi, Of Counsel with the Fairness Center, and had his own civil rights and criminal defense law practice in New York City for over a decade. Upon graduating from the Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law, he clerked for Chief Judge Frederick J. Scullin, Jr., U.S. District Court for the Northern District of New York. Mr. Trainor is admitted to practice law in the state of New York, the U.S. District Court for the Southern and Eastern Districts of New York, and the U.S. Supreme Court. 

Madi Biedermann – Deputy Assistant Secretary, Office of Communications and Outreach 

Madi Biedermann is an experienced education policy and communications professional with experience spanning both federal and state government and policy advocacy organizations. She most recently worked as the Chief Operating Officer at P2 Public Affairs. Prior to that, she served as an Assistant Secretary of Education for Governor Glenn Youngkin and worked as a Special Assistant and Presidential Management Fellow at the Office of Management and Budget in the first Trump Administration. Madi received her bachelor’s degree and master of public administration from the University of Southern California. 

Candice Jackson – Deputy General Counsel 

Candice Jackson returns to the U.S. Department of Education to serve as Deputy General Counsel. Candice served in the first Trump Administration as Acting Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, and Deputy General Counsel, from 2017-2021. For the last few years, Candice has practiced law in Washington State and California and consulted with groups and individuals challenging the harmful effects of the concept of "gender identity" in laws and policies in schools, employment, and public accommodations. Candice is mom to girl-boy twins Madelyn and Zachary, age 11. 

Joshua Kleinfeld – Deputy General Counsel 

Joshua Kleinfeld is the Allison & Dorothy Rouse Professor of Law and Director of the Boyden Gray Center for the Study of the Administrative State at George Mason University’s Scalia School of Law. He writes and teaches about constitutional law, criminal law, and statutory interpretation, focusing in all fields on whether democratic ideals are realized in governmental practice. As a scholar and public intellectual, he has published work in the Harvard, Stanford, and University of Chicago Law Reviews, among other venues. As a practicing lawyer, he has clerked on the D.C. Circuit, Fourth Circuit, and Supreme Court of Israel, represented major corporations accused of billion-dollar wrongdoing, and, on a pro bono basis, represented children accused of homicide. As an academic, he was a tenured full professor at Northwestern Law School before lateraling to Scalia Law School. He holds a J.D. in law from Yale Law School, a Ph.D. in philosophy from the Goethe University of Frankfurt, and a B.A. in philosophy from Yale College. 

Hannah Ruth Earl – Director, Center for Faith-Based and Neighborhood Partnerships

Hannah Ruth Earl is the former executive director of America’s Future, where she cultivated communities of freedom-minded young professionals and local leaders. She previously co-produced award-winning feature films as director of talent and creative development at the Moving Picture Institute. A native of Tennessee, she holds a master of arts in religion from Yale Divinity School.

AFPI Reform Priorities

AFPI's higher education priorities are to:

 Related links:

Trump's Education Department dismantles DEI measures, suspends staff (USA Today) 

Liberty University in the Trump Era

Responding to changing demographics, beliefs, and norms, US religious colleges must reflect what's popular and profitable: Christian evangelism, prosperity theology, contemporary technology, and international outreach. Like other areas of higher education, Christian higher education must focus on the realities of revenues, expenses, and politics, as well as religious dogma.  

While a number of Christian colleges and seminaries close each year, and many more face lower enrollment and financial woes, one conservative Christian university stands out for robust enrollment, stellar finances, and political pull: Liberty University. There are other older schools, particularly Catholic schools with more wealth and prestige, but that's changing. And it could be argued that those schools are religious in a historical sense rather than a contemporary sense.    

Two Liberties

Liberty University is an educational behemoth, and has the advantage of being a nonprofit school that uses proprietary marketing strategies. The brick-and-mortar school, with an enrollment of less than 20,000 students, is predominantly straight, white, and middle-class. The school also has a strict honor code called the Liberty Way, which prohibits activity that may be counter to conservative Christian beliefs.

The growing campus includes a successful law school that serves as a pipeline to Christian businesses and conservative government. The Jesse Helms School of Government and the ban of a Young Democrats club reflect its conservative principles. Liberty also houses the Center for Creation Studies and Creation Hall, with a museum to promote a literal interpretation of the Christian Bible, to include the stories of God and the beginning of time, Adam and Eve, Noah and the Ark, and Moses and the Ten Commandments. 

Liberty University Online (LUO), an international Christian robocollege with about 100,000 students, is more diverse in terms of age, race/ethnicity, nationality, and social class. The online school is thriving financially, and excess funds from the operation help fund the university's growing infrastructure, amenities, and institutional wealth. Liberty spends millions on marketing and advertising online, using its campus as a backdrop. And those efforts result in manifold profits.  

Liberty History

Liberty University was founded in 1971 by Jerry Falwell Sr., a visionary in Christian marketing and promotion, who used technology the technology of the time--television--to gain adherents and funders. Fawell's vision was not to create a new seminary, but to educate evangelical Christians to be part of the fabric of professional society, as lawyers, doctors, teachers, and engineers.

Responding to the political and cultural winds, Falwell Sr. moved away from his segregationist roots as he built his church Liberty University. It was not easy going for Liberty in the early years, which had to rely on controversial supporters. The minister also used the abortion question, the homosexual question, and conservative Christian evangelism in Latin America and Africa to energize his flock and to create important political alliances during the Ronald Reagan era. Information about those years are available at the Jerry Falwell Library Archives.

During the Reagan era and beyond, Falwell's idea of a Moral Majority proposed that Church and State should not be divided, and those thoughts of a strong Christian theocracy have spread for more than four decades. 

In March 2016, Jerry Falwell Jr. referred to presidential candidate Donald Trump as America's King David. And under the first Trump Administration, the school gained favor from the President

Under Donald Trump's second term, Liberty University should be expecting to get closer to that goal of a Christian theocracy. For the moment, LU has the political power and the economic power that few other schools have to enjoy.

Related links:

Jerry Falwell Library Digital Archives 

Dozens of Religious Schools Under Department of Education Heightened Cash Monitoring 

Liberty University fined record $14 million for violating campus safety law (Washington Post) 

How Liberty University Built a Billion Dollar Empire Online (NY Times) 

Wednesday, January 22, 2025

How President Trump's Executive Orders May Affect Higher Education (Glen McGhee)

Here are the key executive orders and actions President Trump has issued so far that may affect higher education:

1. Signed an executive order to dismantle diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives across federal agencies, including in higher education[4]. This order aims to end what the administration calls "divisive preferential hierarchy" in favor of merit-based systems[4].

2. Issued an order to freeze hiring at federal agencies, including the Department of Education[3]. This could potentially lead to a reduction in staff and expertise at the department.

3. Directed federal employees, including those in education-related agencies, to return to full-time in-office work, potentially ending telework arrangements[3].

4. Signed an order making it easier to remove career staffers in policy-related positions by reclassifying them as political appointees[3]. [[BELOW for analysis]]

5. Required companies with federal contracts to certify they do not maintain DEI programs defined as "discriminatory practices" by the order[4].

6. Authorized immigration enforcement on school campuses, which could affect international students and undocumented students in higher education[9].

These executive orders have already faced criticism and potential legal challenges from civil rights organizations, business leaders, and education advocates[4][7][8]. The full impact of these orders on higher education remains to be seen, as some may be tied up in courts or face legislative challenges[7].

Citations:
[1] https://edworkforce.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=412157
[2] https://www.insidehighered.com/news/government/politics-elections/2025/01/20/now-office-how-trump-could-overhaul-higher-ed
[3] https://www.edweek.org/policy-politics/what-will-trumps-orders-for-federal-workers-do-to-the-education-department/2025/01
[4] https://www.diverseeducation.com/leadership-policy/article/15712680/trump-executive-order-targets-federal-dei-initiatives-drawing-swift-backlash
[5] https://www.chronicle.com/article/trump-has-issued-a-blitz-of-executive-orders-some-could-affect-higher-ed
[6] https://www.capradio.org/articles/2025/01/21/trump-is-signing-a-flurry-of-executive-orders-heres-how-those-work/
[7] https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/01/21/trump-executive-orders-challenges-lawsuits/
[8] https://www.presidentsalliance.org/press/presidents-alliance-reacts-to-harmful-impact-of-new-administrations-executive-orders/
[9] https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/education/2025/01/21/trump-executive-orders-immigration-schools/77851480007/
==========================================================
President Trump signed an executive order on January 20, 2025, that aims to make it easier to remove certain federal employees by reclassifying them into a new category called "Schedule Policy/Career"[1][2]. This order is a reinstatement of a similar policy from Trump's previous administration, which was known as "Schedule F"[1].

The key points of this executive order are:
1. It targets federal employees in "policy-influencing positions"[3].
2. It reclassifies these employees, potentially stripping them of civil service protections[2].
3. The order argues that this change is necessary to ensure accountability and loyalty to the President's policies[3]. 

Critics argue that this order:
1. Could lead to the politicization of the civil service[2].
2. Might result in career officials being dismissed for political reasons[2].
3. May affect tens of thousands of federal employees[7].

The legality of this executive order is being questioned, and federal worker unions are expected to challenge it in court[4][6]. The implementation of this order could significantly impact the structure and functioning of federal agencies, including the Department of Education[4].

Citations:
[1] https://www.meritalk.com/articles/president-reinstates-schedule-f-classification-for-feds/
[2] https://www.cnn.com/2025/01/20/politics/federal-employee-protections-trump-executive-order/index.html
[3] https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/restoring-accountability-to-policy-influencing-positions-within-the-federal-workforce/
[4] https://www.edweek.org/policy-politics/what-will-trumps-orders-for-federal-workers-do-to-the-education-department/2025/01
[5] https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/trump-unleashes-wave-of-executive-orders-in-promised-overhaul-of-u-s-policies
[6] https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/5098444-federal-worker-union-sues-trump-schedule-f/
[7] https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2025/01/20/trump-schedule-f-reinstated/
[8] https://www.afge.org/publication/trump-order-politicizing-federal-workers-threatens-integrity-of-government-work-union-leader-says/

Sunday, January 19, 2025

The Business Plots, Then and Now

In 1933, a group of American businessman planned a coup to take down the new President, Franklin Roosevelt. In this scheme, General Smedley Butler would be tasked with orchestrating the overthrow. This attempted coup was called the Business Plot.  

College students today may ask, so what's so important about this moment in history?  The point is that we have entered an era again where big business has a dominating influence over American politics. In the case of the 1933 moment, the coup was reactive. American business had failed, a Great Depression was in progress, and businessmen were fighting to maintain control, a control that they were used to having under Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover. The man tasked to lead the plot, General Butler, squashed it before it happened. And the story largely faded away. 

Eight years later, in 1941, the US would be fighting a world war against global fascism and imperialism.  In the aftermath of the war, a stronger nation would arise. Today, we are also a nation facing intense competition and conflict, this time against China, Russia, India and other nations, with global climate change being a factor that wasn't apparent back then. 

In 2024, US business people, some of the richest people in the world, did something similar, but more proactive and less controversial. Today, folks, in general are OK with American businessmen pulling the strings. The most wealthy man have succeeded where big banks and big business failed before. And they have elected a friend. Today, cryptocurrency is booming. The stock market is booming for now. Unemployment is at record lows--for now. Big business has managed to gain greater control of the US government with little or no uproar. 

 

Thursday, December 5, 2024

How might we do climate action in academia under a second Trump administration? (Bryan Alexander)

With the reelection of Donald Trump, a candidate who has flaunted his desire for autocracy—aided and abetted by a Republican-controlled Congress that will not constrain him with guardrails—the United States is now poised to become an authoritarian state ruled by plutocrats and fossil fuel interests. It is now, in short, a petrostate.

professor Michael Mann, Bulletin of Atomic Scientists

How can we do climate crisis work within the higher education ecosystem under a second Trump administration?

With today’s post I’d like to explore strategic options in the present and near future. This is for everyone, but I’ll conclude with some self-reflection. My focus here will be on the United States, yet not exclusively so.

(I’ve been tracking possibilities for a Trump return for a while. Here’s the most recent post.)
Climate change under Trump: pressures on higher education

To begin with, the threat is that president Trump will undo federal support for climate action across the board (for evidence of this, see statements in Agenda 47, Project 2025, and elsewhere). Beyond the federal government, Trump can cause spillover effects at state and local levels. This should strengthen red states, counties, and cities in anti-climate policies and stances.

That governmental change will likely have direct impacts on higher education. About two thirds of American colleges and universities are public, meaning state-owned and -directed and therefore quite exposed to political pressures. Academics working in those institutions will be vulnerable to those forces, depending on their situation (institutional type, what a government actually does, the structural supports for units and individuals). How many academics – faculty, staff, students – will be less likely to undertake or support climate action? Will senior administrators be similarly disinclined to take strategic direction for climate purposes?

Beyond governments, how would the return of Trump to national power, complete with Republican control of Congress and the Supreme Court, shape private entities in their academic work? I’m thinking here of non-governmental funders, such as foundations, along with the many businesses which work with post-secondary education (publishers, ed tech companies, food service, etc.). Researchers studying global warming might have a harder time getting grants. Some funders might back off of academics doing climate work of all kinds. This can impact private as well as public academic institutions.

On the international side, Trump’s promised withdrawal from the Paris agreement and his repeated dismissal of climate change might make it harder for American academics to connect with global partners. Without simplifying too much, non-American academics might find Trump 2.0 an extra barrier to partnering with peers in the United States, especially if their national or local governments also took up anti-climate positions. International businesses developing decarbonization goods and services might step back from a newly Trumpified America (here’s one recent example).

Beyond those entities we should expect various forms of cultural resistance to climate work. Leaders from Trump and Vance on down can stir up popular attitudes and actions; the anti-immigrant focus on Springfield, Ohio gives one example. Politically-engaged individuals can challenge, threaten, or attack academics whom they see as doing harmful actions along climate lines.

On the other hand, academics might draw support from governments, businesses, nonprofits, and individuals who resist MAGA and seek to pursue climate goals. We could see governmental climate energies devolve below the federal level to states and below. Hypothetically, a professor in, say, California or Vermont might fare better than peers in Texas or South Carolina.

To be fair, political boundaries might not be cut and dried. Climate disasters might change minds. Republicans who benefit from the surviving pieces of Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act might decide not to oppose academics doing climate work. The low costs of solar can trump (as it were) ideology. And insurance companies seem likely to continue their forceful actions of denying coverage and increasing fees in especially endangered areas.

I’ve been speaking of the academic population as a whole, but we should bear in mind the district experience of campus leaders (presidents, chancellors, system administrators, provosts, vice presidents, deans) in this situation. They play a decisive role in supporting climate action through setting strategic directions, developing programs, and, of course, providing funding. In my experience of researching academic climate action and thinking I’ve found this population to be, all too often, resistant to the idea for a variety of reasons: perceived lack of faculty interest; concerns about board/state government politics; anxieties about community response; fears of financial challenges. Then the Gaza protests happened and campus leaders seem to me even more nervous about taking public stances. How will they act under a new Trump administration?

Recall that politicians can bypass those leaders. The recent Texas A&M story is illustrative in this regard. A state politician decided that the university should no longer offer a LGBTQ studies minor. Campus faculty and its president refused to end the program, but the institution’s board unilaterally terminated it. It’s easy to imagine parallel cases for climate activity, from offering a sustainability degree to overhauling buildings to reduce their carbon footprint, only to be met by a politician’s enmity.
Academic options and possibilities

So what can we do now?

One option is for those doing climate work to just keep on doing it, damning the torpedoes. After all, climate action has historically elicited blowback and hostility, so Trump 2.0 is nothing new. Perhaps it’s a difference in kind, not degree. Academics who see themselves having institutional or other backing (tenure, private funding, benefactors) may just continue. Some might relish the prospect of a public fight.

The public/private divide might be a powerful one. Being employed by, or taking classes at, a state university makes climate politics potentially powerful, even dispositive. Blue states might double down on climate action, which could take the form of new regulations forcing campuses to decarbonize more rapidly or to include global warming in general education. Red states, in contrast, can disincentivize faculty, staff, and students from the full range of climate action, making teaching, research, campus operational changes more difficult, even dangerous.

In contrast, academics affiliated with private colleges and universities might enjoy greater political latitude, at least in terms of direct governmental authority. Some might find themselves constrained by their non-governmental institutional affiliations – i.e., by their churches, if they’re a religious school. Economic and cultural pressures can also hit academics in private institutions. That said, we could see private campuses take a leading role compared with their public colleagues.

What new forms might academic climate action take?

We could well see new informal support networks appear, perhaps quietly, perhaps openly. This could take place via a variety of technological frameworks, from Discord to email. People involved will need others working on the same lines. There are already some formal networks, like AASHE and Second Nature. They might serve as bulwarks against hostility. We could also see new nonprofits form to support academic climate action.

Another tactic might be to establish a for-profit company to do climate work. This might sound strange, but businesses often appeal to the famously business-friendly GOP. An LLC or S-corp doing climate work in higher education could look less Green New Deal-y.

Will we see academics become more public in their climate research, perhaps participating in government lobbying, civic demonstrations, or more? After all, four more years of Trump means we will see increased American greenhouse gas emissions. The crisis is worsening, and that fact might engage more faculty, staff, and students to resist. Perhaps campuses will become centers or hubs of all kinds of climate action.

Furthermore, we might see more direct action. American colleges and universities have seen little of this so far, as opposed to European institutions. There have been some initial, tentative signs of this outside of the academy, like Just Stop Oil spray painting an American embassy in the United Kingdom.



Might we see American students, staff, faculty letting the air out of SUVs, damaging oil infrastructure, pie-ing fossil fuel company executives, or more?

A very different tactic for academics to consider is to be stealthy in order to avoid hostile attention. Not talking about one’s new climate class on social media, not sharing global warming research on TikTok, not doing a public talk in the community might be appealing tactics. Similarly, scholars might avoid publishing in open access journals in favor of those behind high paywalls. We could organize using private messaging apps, like Signal.

We could also stop. We might judge the moment too dangerous to proceed. Think about the largest population of faculty, adjuncts, who have so little workplace protections. They might deem it safer to go dark for a few years until things are less dangerous. Consider academics in various forms of marginalization – by race, religion, gender, professional position – as well as those with non-academic pressures (financial, familial). How many of us will pause this work for the time being?

Those academics who are committed to climate work are thinking about such choices now. And some may be participating in conversations about these options.

Let me close on a moment of self-reflection.

I’ve been doing climate research for years as part of my overall work on higher education’s future. This has taken many forms, including a scholarly book, blog writing, teaching, and a lot of presentations, both in-person and virtual. I have been participating in several networks of like-minded folks. I’ve hosted and interviewed climate experts in various venues. Overall, I work climate change into nearly everything I do professionally.

Yet I am an independent, as some of you know. I do not have a tenured or full time academic position. I don’t have independent wealth backing me up. Doing climate work is increasingly risky. To the extent that people know my commitment, I might quietly lose work, allies, colleagues, supporters. I have seen some signs of this already. Similarly, the public nature of what I do opens me up to the possibility of public attacks. I have not yet experienced this.

My philosophy of work – heck, of life – is that it’s better when shared with other people, hence my longtime preference for sharing so much of what I do online. This makes my work better, I think. Yet now, with a new and energetic conservative administration in the country where I live and do most of my work, perhaps this is too risky. I’ve already received advice to run dark, to do climate and other work underground.

Or maybe this is me overthinking things, starting at shadows. These are possibilities, each contingent on many factors and developments in a sprawling and complex academic ecosystem. We could see versions of all of the above playing out at the same time. Some presidents may boldly lead their institutions into accelerated climate action, while others forbid faculty and staff from any such activity. Some professors may launch new climate-focused classes while others delay teaching theirs for years. Staff members in a blue state might set up organic farms and push for fossil fuel vehicle parking fees, while others focus on other topics and keep their heads down. Some of us will make content for public view while others head underground.

Everything I know about climate change tells me this is a vast, civilization-wide crisis which humanity is struggling to apprehend, and that academia can play a significant role in addressing it if we choose to do so. Today I do not feel comfortable advising individuals on what each person should best do in this new political era. But I want to place the options before the public for discussion, to the extent people feel they should participate.

I hope I can keep doing this work. It needs to be done.

(thanks to the Hechinger Report and many friends including Karen Costa and Joe Murphy)
 

 
Bryan Alexander is an awardwinning, internationally known futurist, researcher, writer, speaker, consultant, and teacher, working in the field of higher education’s future. He is currently a senior scholar at Georgetown University.  This article was originally published at BryanAlexander.org.

Wednesday, December 4, 2024

Trump Wants Musk to Cut Waste, Fraud, and Abuse. Start With Taxpayer-Funded Scam Colleges. (David Halperin)



I spoke today at a Capitol Hill press event organized by the Debt Collective. Other speakers, who included senators Dick Durbin (D-IL) and Ed Markey (D-MA), Representative Maxine Waters (D-CA), and Ashley Pizzuti and Valerie Scott, two of the student borrowers who organized the event, properly focused on the urgency of the Biden administration cancelling federal student loan debt for borrowers defrauded by predatory for-profit colleges. I took a detour and discussed what the incoming Trump administration should do about those colleges if it actually does care, which Trump claims to, about fighting waste, fraud, and abuse with federal tax dollars.

Here’s what I said:

Thank you to Rep. Waters, and senators Markey and Durbin, and thank you, Ashley, and all the borrowers who were ripped off by predatory colleges and now are fighting back, asking for justice and asking for your financial lives back. The Biden administration should act right now to grant broad debt relief to struggling borrowers, especially the victims of predatory schools.

I want to discuss what the incoming Trump administrations should do.

Trump says he will create a new department run by Elon Musk to go after waste fraud abuse.

Mr. Trump, Mr. Musk, here is some real waste fraud and abuse: low quality, high priced for profit colleges, sold through deception, that have received literally hundreds of billions in taxpayer dollars and have left many students worse off than when they started – buried in debt and without the careers they sought.

The Biden administration, like the Obama administration, fought against this blatant waste, fraud, and abuse by creating performance standards for schools getting taxpayer dollars. That’s called the gainful employment rule.

They created the borrower defense rule that gives colleges skin in the game – if they scam students, students get relief, and the government can try to recoup the money.

President Biden also signed a bipartisan bill to reform the federal 90-10 law to prevent the extreme targeting by predatory schools of veterans and service members.

The first Trump administration, unfortunately, went in the opposite direction. Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos staffed her department with former for-profit college executives and got rid of the gainful employment and borrower defense rules. She shut down her department’s enforcement team fighting against deceptive practices.

And when veterans groups pushed in 2020 for the 90-10 reform bill I mentioned, a Fox News host named Pete Hegseth took money from the for-profit college industry to make sure his friend Trump would oppose it.

Why are so many Republicans obedient to this corrupt industry that harms veterans, single moms, rural people, people of color, immigrants, the elderly, and others struggling to build better lives?

Is it really worth the few hundred thousand dollars in campaign contributions this industry provides?

Whatever the reason, it’s time for this madness to stop. Or else another generation of victims will be right here in 10 years seeking relief from another mountain of debt.



I hope senators ask Trump’s new secretary of education nominee, Linda McMahon, to commit in concrete ways to standing up for America’s students — and not for a predatory industry that has for decades abused students and cheated taxpayers.

[Editor's note: This article originally appeared on Republic Report.] 

Tuesday, December 3, 2024

Defending DEI Programming at the University of Michigan

More than 500 people have signed a petition in favor of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) programming that has been part of the University of Michigan for years, and a rally was held yesterday in support of the programs. 

According to the petition:

It has been confirmed by multiple sources that the Regents met earlier this month in a private meeting with a small subgroup of central leadership members, and among the topics discussed was the future of DEI programming at UM, including possibly defunding DEI in the next fiscal year. Our understanding is that the Regents may announce or vote to implement the plan as early as December 5th (their next scheduled meeting), before the inauguration of President Donald Trump.

Diversity, equity, and inclusivity are imperative to address systemic and structural inequities. They are also stated core values of the University of Michigan. We must remind the Regents that changes to DEI are not in their mandate, which is purely financial oversight, and we must remind them of the importance of shielding our ethical commitments from political pressure.

Monday, December 2, 2024

The Roaring 2020s and America's Move to the Right

In December 2024, the Roaring 2020s are already here. The stock market is near an all-time high and Bitcoin has gained enormous value, waiting for Donald J. Trump to become President again, to make America Great Again. 


In 2025 US citizens should expect markets to continue growing, and the costly war in the Ukraine to be settled. Deregulation, interest rate cuts, and tax cuts, which provide economic stimulus, will be at the heart of the new Trump Administration, good enough to pump up the economy for years. Threats to raise tariffs on China and other nations (which are costly to consumers) may only be threats.  

Mr. Trump promises a new Golden Age. And many of those who are clever enough and ambitious enough should expect to get rich. But those who do not agree with President Trump may face increased scrutiny, harkening back to a century ago.  

Let's see how long this new era lasts, how it is remembered by different people, and how it is retold in history books.