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Showing posts with label anti-union. Show all posts
Showing posts with label anti-union. Show all posts

Saturday, July 12, 2025

From Public Good to Target of Sabotage: The Long Decline of the U.S. Postal Service

The United States Postal Service (USPS), long a pillar of American public life and a gateway to middle-class stability, is under siege. While Donald Trump’s administration played a pivotal role in accelerating its recent dysfunction, the erosion of the USPS began decades earlier—through bipartisan policy decisions, creeping privatization, technological change, and ideological hostility toward public institutions. The destruction of the USPS is not a moment, but a process. And its consequences are being felt by workers, communities, and the democratic fabric of the country.

A People’s Institution

The USPS has deep roots in American democracy and labor history. Established in 1775 with Benjamin Franklin as its first postmaster general, the service has operated under a mandate of universal delivery, regardless of geography or profitability. It became a vehicle for social and economic mobility—especially for Black Americans, veterans, immigrants, and rural citizens.

For much of the 20th century, the Postal Service was a stable, unionized employer offering family-sustaining wages. Even as industrial jobs declined, USPS employment remained a critical bridge into the middle class, particularly for African Americans. By the early 1980s, the USPS employed nearly 800,000 people—offering pensions, job security, and federal health benefits.

The Turn Toward Privatization and Market Competition

The seeds of decline were planted in the late 20th century with the rise of neoliberal economics and a bipartisan push for government efficiency, austerity, and deregulation.

In 1970, the old Post Office Department was restructured into a semi-independent entity— the U.S. Postal Service—after a massive wildcat postal strike. While the Postal Reorganization Act modernized the institution, it also removed many public-service obligations from congressional oversight, laying the groundwork for future financial manipulation.

Beginning in the 1980s and accelerating in the 1990s, the growth of private carriers like FedEx and UPS—both supported by favorable legislation and lobbying power—ate into USPS’s most profitable markets: overnight and package delivery. Rather than being forced to compete on a level playing field, USPS was legally barred from underpricing private competitors or expanding into new revenue-generating areas like banking or logistics.

Then came the internet. Email, online bill pay, and digital communications began replacing First-Class mail, which historically covered much of the USPS's operating costs. USPS mail volume peaked in 2006 at 213 billion pieces and has declined nearly 40 percent since. In 2024, total mail volume stood at just over 127 billion pieces.

The 2006 PAEA: A Manufactured Crisis

Perhaps the most destructive blow came in 2006 with the Postal Accountability and Enhancement Act (PAEA), passed by a bipartisan Congress and signed by President George W. Bush. The law required USPS to pre-fund 75 years’ worth of retiree health benefits within a 10-year window—a $5.5 billion annual burden not imposed on any other federal agency or private company.

This manufactured debt crisis gave political cover to critics who claimed the Postal Service was financially unsustainable. It also starved the institution of capital needed for modernization, infrastructure, and workforce development. For over a decade, this artificial shortfall served as justification for hiring freezes, facility closures, and service cuts.

Enter Trump: Sabotage with a Smile

By the time Donald Trump took office in 2017, USPS had already been weakened. But Trump weaponized its vulnerabilities for political gain. In 2020, amid a global pandemic and a presidential election that relied heavily on mail-in voting, Trump launched a public attack on the USPS, falsely claiming mail-in ballots were a source of massive voter fraud.

He appointed Louis DeJoy—a logistics executive and Republican megadonor—as Postmaster General. DeJoy’s appointment was rubber-stamped by a Trump-controlled USPS Board of Governors. Under DeJoy, the USPS eliminated overtime, removed sorting machines, slashed delivery routes, and cut post office hours. Predictably, mail delivery slowed, especially in swing states and communities dependent on timely postal service.

The slowdowns weren’t just political—they were material. Seniors reported late medications. Veterans didn’t receive their VA checks. Ballots were delayed. And postal workers were pushed to the brink. In Detroit and Philadelphia, on-time First-Class mail delivery dropped to below 65 percent in the summer of 2020.

Workforce Impact and Labor Erosion

The USPS has lost tens of thousands of jobs since DeJoy’s tenure began. Over 30,000 positions were eliminated between 2021 and 2024. In early 2025, the agency announced plans to cut 10,000 more jobs, many through early retirement. For a workforce that had already endured years of hiring freezes, consolidation, and low morale, these were devastating blows.

Postal unions, including the American Postal Workers Union (APWU) and the National Association of Letter Carriers (NALC), have denounced the cuts as part of a long-term strategy to hollow out the institution and pave the way for privatization.

Service Cuts and a Two-Tier America

As the USPS has weakened, its ability to provide universal service has eroded. In urban centers, lines at post offices have grown longer. In rural America, post offices have been closed or had their hours slashed. Mail delivery has become slower, less reliable, and less equitable. For millions of Americans, especially those in marginalized communities, the erosion of USPS services represents a withdrawal of the federal government from public life.

At the same time, private carriers have expanded their market share—but only where profits justify service. This has created a two-tier system: fast, expensive delivery for the wealthy and corporations; slow, underfunded service for the rest.

The Broader War on Public Infrastructure

What has happened to the U.S. Postal Service is not an isolated story. It is part of a broader neoliberal assault on public institutions and the working class. From public education to public housing, from transit systems to social security offices, the U.S. has seen a systematic hollowing out of civic infrastructure under the banner of "efficiency" and "market competition."

Trump’s actions—both deliberate and reckless—pushed the Postal Service further down a path of institutional decay. But the responsibility lies with decades of policymakers who devalued public service, dismantled regulatory protections, and enabled privatization without accountability.

A Line in the Sand

The USPS remains one of the few institutions that touches nearly every American. It has survived war, depression, technological revolution, and political sabotage. But its future is not guaranteed.

Saving the Postal Service will require not just reversing Trump-era policies, but confronting decades of bipartisan neglect. It will mean repealing harmful laws like the PAEA, investing in modernization, expanding services (like postal banking), and defending postal jobs and unions.

In a time of deep inequality and civic fragmentation, preserving the USPS is about more than mail. It’s about restoring the public good—and remembering that some things should not be for sale.

Sources:

  • U.S. Postal Service 2024 Annual Report to Congress

  • Bureau of Labor Statistics, Occupational Employment and Wage Statistics

  • Congressional Research Service: The Postal Accountability and Enhancement Act

  • The Guardian: “USPS mail slowdowns raise fears of election interference”

  • AP News: “Trump says he may take control of USPS”

  • Business Insider: “Privatization of USPS could harm rural areas”

  • Teen Vogue: “The U.S. Postal Service and the Working Class”

  • American Postal Workers Union (apwu.org)

Tuesday, August 20, 2024

Cornell University Workers Strike Deal For A Better Life (United Auto Workers Local 2300)

Updated September 3, 2024. UAW 2300 has reached a deal with Cornell University management after the longest strike in the university's history. The deal includes wage increases from 21 percent to 25.5 percent over the four years of the contract, a cost of living adjustment, and the elimination of the two-tier wage system. The agreement also introduces improvements to policies on time off, uniforms, inclement weather, and safety protections. HEI thanks Jimmy Jordan at the Ithaca Voice for his valuable contributions to this story.

Background

The Cornell University workers-UAW strike was part of a long tradition of labor action in US higher education. Workers at Cornell won the right to unionize in 1981, in a 15-year struggle documented by Al Davidoff. Cornell graduate students are negotiating their contract after voting for a union last year. And Weill-Cornell postdocs in New York City are attempting to negotiate with management after forming a union in February.

A listing of National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) decisions related to Cornell University, dating back to 1970, is here.  

Cornell University holds more than $17B in assets and about $4B in liabilities. A great deal of its initial assets were from land stolen from the Cayuga nation. The university still benefits enormously from this theft. 

The United Auto Workers (UAW) has been involved with academic labor since the 1990s, and is seriously involved in the most recent labor movement in higher education. The union holds a sizable strike fund. More information about the current strike at Cornell is at the UAW website.  

This story is not just about Cornell University workers and Cornell University management, but also about Ithaca, New York: a progressive town that faces gentrification and high housing costs for working-class folks who feel the economic squeeze. 

Recent Labor Victories Covered By the Higher Education Inquirer

In 2022, about 48,000 workers, including those represented by the UAW, had a major victory against the University of California System--and the Higher Education Inquirer documented much of it. HEI also covered the Rutger's University Strike that followed it, with guest author Hank Kalet.

Timeline of the Strike 

 

August 16, 2024 

After months of trying to negotiate with Cornell University management, hundreds of UAW Region 9 workers rallied for a fair contract following a 94 percent vote to strike if necessary.

August 18, 2024 (UAW Press Release)

Over 1,000 UAW members have walked out on strike at Cornell University, as the university has failed to present a fair package and has not bargained in good faith, stalling and retaliating against protected union activity by the workers.

The membership, made up of maintenance and facilities workers, dining workers, gardeners, custodians, agriculture and horticulture workers and others, are facing declining real wages even as Cornell’s endowment has ballooned and tuition revenue has skyrocketed. Over the past four years, Cornell’s endowment has soared 39% to nearly $10 billion and tuition has increased 13% – all while workers’ buying power has fallen 5%. 

Many of the workers have had to move out of Ithaca to afford housing and must pay expensive parking fees to park on campus. The wage for most at the university is less than $22 per hour, far lower than what economists estimate it costs for a family to live in the region. The compensation for top administrators exceeded $12.4 million in 2022.

“Workers at Cornell are fed up with being exploited and used. The university would much rather hoard its wealth and power than pay its workers fairly,” said UAW Local 2300 President Christine Johnson. “Cornell could have settled this weeks ago. Instead, they’ve scoffed and laughed at us and broken federal law. We’re done playing around.”

UAW Local 2300 recently filed seven separate unfair labor practice charges with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) against Cornell University, citing violations of workers’ rights and federal labor laws amid ongoing contract negotiations.

“The workers at Cornell are pushing back against the university’s arrogance and greed. With a $10 billion endowment, the administration can more than afford the members’ demands,” said UAW Region 9 Director Daniel Vicente. “Workers in Local 2300 are showing the university that they are willing to do what’s needed to win what they deserve.”

Cornell University workers are the latest UAW members standing up to billionaire class greed. Thousands of UAW members have won record contracts in the last year, including auto workers at Daimler Truck, the Big Three automakers, and Allison Transmission workers in Indianapolis, IN.

Shawn Fain, President of the UAW mentioned the Cornell workers strike at the Democratic National Convention, August 19, 2024. 

August 21, 2024

After months of failing to negotiate with workers, and with the new school year closing in, Cornell University administrators asked that a mediator be appointed.  

Cornell University workers asked for a 27 percent increase in wages over four years, with a Cost of Living Allowance (COLA). The university offered a 17 percent increase in wages over four years, with no COLA. The university wanted to keep a divisive two-tiered system which gave lower wages to workers who started after 1997. Cornell also wanted employees to continue to pay for parking.  

Details of the strike negotiations were available at the Ithaca Voice

To keep the university functioning, the university asked retirees, faculty, and staff to volunteer in place of picketing cooks and custodians. 

Local politicians sided with the striking workers, including the two major candidates running for New York State Senate.  

August 23, 2024

Cornell University told its faculty and staff to bring their own meals to campus, with the expectation that the strike would extend to next week.  Students would be receiving boxed to-go lunches between 10:30 a.m. and 2 p.m. as part of their meal plans at specific residential halls, cafes and retail locations.(Ithaca Voice). 

August 25, 2024

August 26, 2024

Associate Professor David A. Bateman (Department of Government) urged Cornell staff and alumni not to act as strikebreakers or scabs and to act in solidarity with the striking workers.  In his opinion piece in the Cornell Daily Sun, professor Bateman stated: 

The University appeals to our better natures, to our commitment to community, to conceal their real ask: to betray these friends and colleagues, at the moment when they are most in need of our support.

The Cornell leadership of the UAW 2300 chapter, by contrast, has shown a richer vision of what community needs and what it can be. They too appeal to our desire to help out, to step up. They have asked for solidarity, rather than to undermine each other.  To not replace striking labor or the work that they do. To show up on the picket line. To voice support. To demand that Cornell sign a fair contract. They have asked us to take the side of those members of our community fighting for a better life. They have asked us to stand with them.

And in so doing, they are teaching us that real community can only be forged by a honest appraisal of injustice and unfairness, by a real understanding of the power that a few employers and institutional leaders hold over everyone else, and by a real commitment to challenging it.

August 27, 2024

That Cornell Daily Sun profiled strikers and their struggles. 

August 28, 2024

According to 14850.com, workers reached a tentative deal with management. 'Over the life of the agreement, members will see an average increase of 21%-25.4% in hourly wages over the four years, depending on grade and hire/job rate,' said the UAW on Tuesday night. A sharp increase in pay to bring wages in line with the actual cost of living in Tompkins County was one of the union’s key demands." 

“The workers at Cornell used their power to push back on Cornell’s arrogance and win a great contract,” said UAW Region 9 Director Daniel Vicente. “They stood together and showed the university that they were willing to do what was needed to win what they deserve.”

Related links:

UAW Local 2300

Cornell tells faculty and staff to start bringing their own meals to campus amid UAW strike (Jimmy Jordan, Ithaca Voice, August 25, 2024)

UAW and Cornell Resume Negotiations as University Looks to Hire Scabs (Matt Dougherty, Ithaca Times)

UAW strike sends Cornell asking retirees, faculty, and staff to volunteer in place of picketing cooks and custodians (Jimmy Jordan, Ithaca Voice, August 21, 2024).

KUMAR | Cornell Won’t Stand by Its Workers — so We Will (Tiffany Chen Kumar, Cornell Daily Sun, August 20, 2024)

‘I’m Not Crossing a Picket Line’: Cornell Workers Begin Historic Strike (Matthew Kiviat, Olivia Holloway and Ming DeMers, Cornell Daily Sun, August 19, 2024)

Workers at Cornell strike as student move-in begins (Jimmy Jordan, Ithaca Voice, August 19,2024)

Unionizing the Ivory Tower: Cornell Workers' Fifteen-Year Fight for Justice and a Living Wage (Al Davidoff, Cornell University Press)

“Meet Us at the Bargaining Table”: Cornell Graduate Students United Rallies for Employment Protections (

Cornell University Workers Strike as Students Return to Campus (Aaron Fernando, The Nation)

Rutgers University Workers Waging Historic Strike For Economic Justice (Hank Kalet, 2023)

University of California Academic Workers Strike For Economic Justice (2022)

National Labor Relations Board Actions Involving Cornell University