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The ongoing faculty strike at Wellesley College reveals, in stark terms, the reality of the two-tier faculty system that has come to define much of American higher education. Despite its reputation as a progressive liberal arts institution, Wellesley—like many of its peers—relies heavily on contingent faculty to carry out the core educational mission, while systematically denying them the security and respect afforded to their tenured counterparts.
At Wellesley, non-tenure-track (NTT) faculty make up about 30 percent of the teaching staff but are responsible for teaching 40 percent of the college’s classes. These educators are essential to the functioning of the institution, yet they are paid less, enjoy fewer benefits, and live with little to no job security. Only in January 2024 did they formally unionize, and since May, they have been negotiating what would be their first collective bargaining agreement. The protracted nature of these negotiations—and the college administration’s sluggish response—led to the strike, now stretching into its fourth week.
The strike has exposed the deep fissures between NTT and tenure-track faculty. In response to the disruption, the administration asked tenured professors to take on additional students, offer independent studies, or otherwise fill in for their striking colleagues. No additional compensation was offered. Faculty were given less than 48 hours to decide whether to participate. The move created a moral and professional dilemma: Should tenured faculty support their striking colleagues by refusing to cross the picket line, or should they prioritize the needs of students—particularly those whose immigration status or financial aid depended on maintaining full-time academic standing?
In many ways, this is the real function of the two-tier system. It doesn't just allow institutions to save money by underpaying a significant portion of their teaching workforce. It also creates structural divisions that can be exploited in times of labor unrest. The privileged position of tenured faculty makes them natural pressure points for the administration, able to be guilted or coerced into mitigating the effects of a strike without fundamentally changing the system that caused it.
Driving this system are university presidents and senior administrators who increasingly adopt corporate, anti-labor management styles. These leaders often frame themselves as neutral actors mediating between stakeholders, but their actions tell a different story. In their refusal to negotiate in good faith, their last-minute crisis planning, and their strategic deployment of fear—around students’ financial aid, immigration status, and graduation timelines—they reveal a deep alignment with union-busting tactics more often seen in the private sector. These administrative strategies not only weaken labor solidarity, but also erode the educational environment they claim to protect.
What’s happening at Wellesley is not unique. It mirrors a broader pattern across higher education, where elite institutions rely on the labor of contingent faculty while denying them the protections and prestige of tenure. This isn’t a bug in the system—it is the system. The two-tier model is not about flexibility or innovation, as administrators often claim. It’s about control and cost containment, and when challenged, colleges will invoke crisis—whether financial, academic, or humanitarian—to maintain that control.
In this moment, Wellesley’s administration has positioned tenured faculty as potential strikebreakers, students as bargaining chips, and contingent faculty as expendable. The strike, and the response to it, underscores the urgent need to dismantle the exploitative structures that underpin so many American colleges. Until that happens—and until college presidents are held accountable for anti-labor tactics—students and faculty alike will continue to suffer, not only from instability, but from the erosion of trust and shared purpose in the academic community.
In a dramatic policy shift that took just hours, the Trump administration reversed its position on reciprocal tariffs, caving to pressure from corporate America. In an unexpected retreat, President Donald Trump, Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, and Trade Advisor Peter Navarro reversed course on their “non-negotiable” tariffs, opting for a 90-day pause after facing a chorus of condemnation from CEOs and Wall Street titans. Despite the administration’s spin on the decision as a “win,” the retreat highlighted the deep sway that neoliberal elites hold over U.S. economic policy, even when faced with populist rhetoric.
While the immediate concern was the stock market plunge—$6.5 trillion lost in just two days—the larger narrative was the growing influence of corporate America in shaping trade policy. Business leaders from Jamie Dimon of JP Morgan to Larry Fink of BlackRock spoke out against the tariffs, urging the President to change course. In an organized show of power, corporate CEOs, including those from tech giants like Tesla and Ford, sided with the broader economic establishment over the administration’s protectionist policies.
However, what is not often discussed in these corporate circles is the broader attack on workers' rights and labor organizing taking place across the country—particularly in higher education, where private universities are increasingly using the courts and political arguments to undermine labor organizing efforts.
In a striking example of this trend, the University of Southern California (USC) has launched a direct challenge to the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), an independent federal agency that has long protected workers’ rights to organize and bargain collectively. The university is attempting to block a unionization effort by its non-tenure-track faculty members, echoing the anti-union rhetoric pushed by corporations like SpaceX, Amazon, and Trader Joe’s, which have previously argued that the NLRB is unconstitutional.
In December, over 2,500 non-tenure-track faculty members at USC filed a petition to form a union with the United Faculty-United Auto Workers (UFW-UAW). This move came after a majority of faculty members expressed support for unionization. But ten days after the petition was filed, USC took the unprecedented step of arguing that the NLRB itself is unconstitutional. This argument hinges on claims that the NLRB’s structure—specifically, its independence and the protection of its members from presidential dismissal—violates constitutional principles.
This tactic mirrors the legal arguments advanced by corporations like SpaceX, which in 2020 challenged the NLRB’s constitutionality in court, claiming that the board's authority to issue decisions in labor disputes violated the separation of powers. Amazon, too, has tried to undermine the NLRB’s authority, arguing that the board’s structure infringes upon its rights as an employer.
While corporate interests have long resisted unionization—fearing the erosion of their unchecked power—USC’s stance is particularly noteworthy because it highlights how elite institutions, even those within academia, are increasingly willing to side with corporate interests to suppress workers’ rights. The university’s argument that non-tenure-track faculty cannot unionize because they are “managers” or “supervisors” is a familiar refrain in the corporate world, where businesses often claim that certain employees lack the right to unionize due to their purported managerial roles. This is despite the fact that faculty members have little to no influence over university policy.
Jennifer Abruzzo, former general counsel for the NLRB, emphasized that the university could voluntarily recognize the faculty union without needing to rely on the NLRB’s authority. She argued that USC’s challenge is a direct attempt to subvert workers' rights to organize, asserting, “Whether the NLRB is unconstitutional or not does not preclude USC from recognizing and bargaining with their workers’ chosen representative.”
The significance of USC’s challenge extends beyond the university itself. If successful, this legal strategy could have wide-reaching implications for labor rights in the U.S. In a climate where conservative forces are already pushing to dismantle federal regulatory agencies, a ruling against the NLRB’s constitutionality could decimate the labor rights of nearly 170 million American workers.
For faculty members at USC, the stakes are personal and immediate. Sanjay Madhav, an associate professor and union activist at USC, pointed out that the push for unionization is especially critical as the university faces budget cuts and hiring freezes in response to financial uncertainty. Faculty members like Madhav are advocating for greater bargaining power, particularly around merit pay and benefits—issues that have become more pressing as the economic landscape becomes increasingly volatile.
Ironically, the pushback from USC against unionization underscores the very corporate mindset that has driven much of the resistance to Trump’s trade policies. Just as CEOs have leveraged their financial and political influence to halt tariffs that threatened their profits, private universities like USC are wielding legal arguments and political influence to protect their control over faculty and suppress the possibility of meaningful labor negotiations.
This broader context of corporate resistance to workers’ rights—both in trade policy and labor organizing—raises critical questions for higher education. It signals a growing trend where powerful interests are not only challenging the rights of workers but are also attempting to reframe the debate around collective bargaining and labor rights as unconstitutional or undesirable. This echoes a deeper, neoliberal agenda that seeks to hollow out democratic mechanisms of worker representation, whether in trade, the workplace, or the classroom.
As faculty at USC and other institutions wait to hear whether they will be allowed to proceed with their union election, the broader question remains: What happens when the very institutions that are meant to foster critical thinking and social mobility also align themselves with forces that seek to dismantle workers’ rights? And what does it mean for the future of labor and democracy when both corporate America and elite universities are so aggressively working to undermine the rights of those who power their institutions?
SAN DIEGO, CA — Community members will gather at the San Diego Civic Center Plaza for a “Hands Off!” march on April 5 to protest DOGE and the Trump administration’s attack on programs and services used by San Diego residents. The local march will coincide with a nationwide day of demonstrations expected to be attended by hundreds of thousands…
Organizers describe the event as a collective response to policies impacting our community. “San Diegans who are veterans, who are postal workers and teachers, who rely on Social Security, Medicaid or Medicare, and who are horrified at the Trump-Musk billionaire takeover of our government are coming together to protest the Trump Administration’s attacks on the rights and services they depend upon, many of them for survival” said Angela Benson, a member of the organizing coalition.
Event Details:
What: Over 10,000 San Diegans expected to peacefully demand "HANDS OFF!" their rights and services in one of over 1,000 HANDS OFF! events scheduled nationwide on April 5
Who: Coalition of San Diego Pro-Democracy Groups
When: Saturday, April 5, noon, 1 mile march to leave approximately 12:15 PM
Where: March starts at Civic Center Plaza Fountain by 1200 Third St., ends at Hall of Justice at 330 W Broadway
Transportation: Participants are encouraged to take public transit to the event
Planning group:
Change Begins With ME
CBFD Indivisible
Indivisible49
Indivisible North San Diego County
Democratic Club of Carlsbad and Oceanside
Encinitas and North Coast Democratic Club
SanDiego350
Swing Left/Take Action San Diego
Activist San Diego
50501 San Diego
Media Opportunities:
The following representatives will be available day-of the march for interviews. If interested, please coordinate with Richard (770-653-6138) prior to the event, and plan to arrive at the location marked below by 11:30 AM Pacific
Representatives
Sara Jacobs - House of Representatives, CA-51 district
Scott Peters - House of Representatives, CA-50 district
Chris Ward - California State Assemblymember, 78 district
Stephen Whitburn - San Diego Councilmember
Reverend Madison Shockley II - Pilgrim United Church of Christ
Yusef Miller - Executive Director of North County Equity & Justice Coalition
Brigette Browning - Executive Secretary San Diego and Imperial Counties Labor Council and President, Unite Here!
Crystal Irving - President, Service Employees International Union (SEIU)
Andy Kopp - Veteran
Patrick Saunders - Veteran
Phil Petrie - SanDiego350, Climate Activist
Recommended Schedule
11:30 AM - 11:40 AM: Representative introductions - Group/cause they’re representing, why they’re marching
11:40 AM - 12:05 PM: Representatives break off, available for interview by Press
12:05 PM - 12:15 PM: Representatives move to beginning of march
12:15 PM: March begins
12:15 PM - 2:00 PM: March to Hall of Justice
2:00 PM: March ends at Hall of Justice, participants may disperse or continue to federal plaza
The federal government is a sh*t show right now. From ICE abductions of pro-Palestine college students to proposed cuts to Social Security and Medicaid, the Trump administration is wreaking havoc on all of our communities.
We want to take a moment and specifically talk about student debt and higher education — work that we’ve been doing for a while now. Here’s some of what we know, what we think, and what we should do:
In recent days, the Trump administration issued an executive order to dismantle the Department of Education. Legally, this cannot be done without Congress, but in practice, this means most of the staff was simply fired. We talked a little bit about what that means for student debtors in this Twitter thread. In short, this makes the student debt crisis much worse.
Shortly after that, Trump ordered the entire federal student debt portfolio — all $1.7 trillion — to be moved from the Department of Education to the Small Business Administration (SBA). The Small Business Administration is another agency within the federal government. That means our collective creditor would still be the federal government. But will this move actually happen? Will our federal student loans somehow end up privatized? There is a LOT up in the air right now, and the short answer is we don’t know exactly what will happen, but we as debtors should remain nimble so we can exercise our collective power when we need to. Moving our student debt from the Department of Education to the SBA would be 1) illegal 2) administratively and practically difficult 3) lead to possible errors with your account.
If you haven’t already, we still highly recommend going to studentaid.gov and finding your loan details and downloading and/or screenshotting your history.
The traditional infrastructure we have long suggested debtors utilize to solve problems with their student debt — the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), the FSA ombudsman team, etc — have either been undermined or outright destroyed. This means there are fewer and fewer ways for us, student debtors, to get answers to problems with our student debt accounts. But we shouldn’t let Congress off the hook — we should make student loans Congress’ problem. They’re elected to serve us and it’s their job to attend to your needs.
Our friends at Student Borrower Protection Center (SBPC) have put together a helpful tool to open a case at your member of Congress’s office.
Lastly, we want to talk about what we mean when we say Free College. Student debt has ruined lives, and will continue to as long as it exists. We shouldn’t have to borrow to pay for college — in fact, we shouldn’t have to pay at all. It should be free. And that’s what we’re fighting for. But our vision for College For All doesn’t stop at tuition-free — it means ICE and cops off campus; it means paying workers, faculty and staff a living wage; it means standing up for free speech; it means ending domestic and gender based violence on campus; and it means universities that function as laboratories for democracy and learning, not as laboratories for landlords and imperialism.
On April 17th, Debt Collective is co-sponsoring the National Higher Education Day of Action to demand our vision of College For All and oppose the hell the Trump administration is causing right now. Find an event near you HERE to participate — or start an event on your own!
And THIS SATURDAY – April 5th –we’re taking to the streets with hundreds of thousands of people across the country to tell Trump and Musk “Hands Off Our Democracy!” They’re stripping America for parts, and it's up to us to put an end to their brazen power grab. This will be one of the largest mass mobilizations in recent history — and we need you in the streets with us. There are hundreds of actions planned, find one to join near you HERE.
Whatever happens in the future, we will be more likely to win if we gird ourselves with each other’s stories and experiences so we can fight together. This is why we built a debtors’ union — the only virtual factory floor for debtors. Debt acts as a discipline and keeps people from joining the struggle for things we care about — but we can increase our numbers and build power by canceling unjust debts. We all share the same creditor and we need to stay connected to one another. Forward this email to a friend or family member and tell them to join the union and our email list so we can stay connected.
In Solidarity,
Debt Collective
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