End of an Era

For now, we have suspended our three decade long run of citizen journalism and will let you know where we go from here.  Two of our other publications, American Injustice and street sociologist are also closed, but remain online for now on Blogger. 

Our Anti-SLAPP lawsuit (Chip Paucek and Pro Athlete Community v Dahn Shaulis) is pending. While the legal bill is enormous, we expect to win. In the meantime, please support independent voices like Richard Wolff, Julie K. Brown, Roger Sollenberger, and Troy Barile. 

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   Higher Education and Class Sorting. Image by Glen McGhee

On our last full day of operation, we extend our deepest gratitude to the many courageous voices who have contributed to the Higher Education Inquirer over the years. Through research, reporting, whistleblowing, analysis, and public service, you have exposed inequities, challenged powerful interests, and helped the public understand the realities of higher education. Together, you form a resilient network of knowledge, courage, and public service, showing that collective insight can illuminate even the most entrenched systems. Your dedication has been, and continues to be, invaluable.

Special thanks to:
Bryan Alexander (Future Trends Forum), J. J. Anselmi (author), Devarian Baldwin (Trinity College),  Lisa Bannon (Wall Street Journal), Joe Berry (Higher Education Labor United), Kate Bronfenbrenner (Cornell), Stephen Burd (New America), Ann Bowers (Debt Collective), James Michael Brodie (Black and Gold Project Foundation), Patrick Campbell (Vets Ed Brief), Richard Cannon (activist), Kirk Carapezza (WGBH), Kevin L. Clay (Rutgers), Randall Collins (UPenn), Marianne Dissard (activist), Cory Doctorow, William Domhoff (UC Santa Cruz), Ruxandra Dumitriu, Keil Dumsch, Garrett Fitzgerald (College Recon), Glen Ford (with the ancestors), Richard Fossey (Condemned to Debt), Erica Gallagher (2U Whistleblower), Cliff Gibson III (Gibson & Keith), Henry Giroux (McMaster University), Terri Givens (University of British Columbia), Aaron Glantz, Luke Goldstein (The Lever),  Nathan Grawe (Carleton College), Michael Green (UNLV), Michael Hainline (Restore the GI Bill for Veterans), Debra Hale Shelton (Arkansas Times), Stephanie M. Hall (Protect Borrowers),  David Halperin (Republic Report), Bill Harrington (Croatan Institute), Phil Hill (On EdTech), Investor X (business insider), Robert Jensen (UT Austin), Seth Kahn (WCUP), Hank Kalet (Rutgers), Ben Kaufman (Protect Borrowers), Robert Kelchen (University of Tennessee), Karen Kelsky (The Professor Is In), Neil Kraus (UWRF), LACCD Whistleblower, Michelle Lee (whistleblower), Wendy Lynne Lee (Bloomsburg University of PA), Emmanuel Legeard (whistleblower), Adam Looney (University of Utah), Alec MacGillis (ProPublica), Jon Marcus (Hechinger Report), Steven Mintz (University of Texas), John D. Murphy (Mission Forsaken), Annelise Orleck (Dartmouth), Margaret Kimberly (Black Agenda Report), Austin Longhorn (UT student loan debt whistleblower), Richard Pollock (journalist), Debbi Potts (whistleblower), Jack Metzger (Roosevelt University), Derek Newton (The Cheat Sheet), Jeff Pooley (Annenberg Center), Fahmi Quadir (Safkhet Capital), Chris Quintana (USA Today), Jennifer Reed (University of Akron), Kevin Richert (Idaho Education News), Gary Roth (Rutgers-Newark), Mark Salisbury (TuitionFit), Stephanie Saul (NY Times), Christopher Serbagi (Serbagi Law), Alex Shebanow  (Fail State), Bob Shireman (TCF), Bill Skimmyhorn (William & Mary), Peter Simi (Chapman University), Jeffrey Sonnenfeld (Yale), Gary Stocker (College Viability), Strelnikov (Wikipedia Sucks), Taylor Swaak (Chronicle of Higher Education), Theresa Sweet (Sweet v Cardona), Harry Targ (Purdue University), Moe Tkacik (American Prospect),  Kim Tran (activist), Mark Twain Jr. (business insider), Michael Vasquez (The Tributary), Marina Vujnovic (Monmouth), Richard Wolff (Economic Update), David Whitman, Todd Wolfson (Rutgers, AFT), Helena Worthen (Higher Ed Labor United), DW (South American Correspondent), Heidi Weber (Whistleblower Revolution), Michael Yates (Monthly Review), government officials who have supported transparency and accountability, and the countless other educators, researchers, whistleblowers, advocates, and public servants whose work strengthens our understanding of higher education.

Dahn Shaulis and Glen McGhee

American Christmas 2025

Mass surveillance is no longer a marginal concern in American life. It is the silent architecture of a society managed from above and distrusted from below. The cameras aimed at students, workers, and the precarious class reflect a deeper spiritual, political, and moral crisis among the elites who designed the systems now monitoring the rest of us.

Universities, corporations, city governments, and federal agencies increasingly rely on surveillance tools to manage populations whose economic security has been gutted by the same leaders who now demand behavioral compliance. Cameras proliferate, keystrokes are tracked, movement is logged, and predictive algorithms follow people across campuses, workplaces, and public spaces. Yet those responsible for creating the conditions that justify surveillance—politicians, corporate boards, university trustees, executive donors, and policy consultants—operate in near total opacity. Their meetings take place behind closed doors, their decisions shielded from public scrutiny, their influence networks essentially invisible.

This is not a coincidence. It is the logical extension of a neoliberal elite culture that elevates market logic above moral obligation. As the Higher Education Inquirer documented in “How Educated Neoliberals Built the Homelessness Crisis,” the architects of modern austerity—professionalized, credentialed, and trained in elite universities—constructed social systems that demand accountability from the poor while providing impunity for the powerful. Their policy models treat human beings as units to be managed, scored, nudged, and surveilled. Surveillance fits seamlessly into this worldview. It is the managerial substitute for solidarity.

The moral void of this elite class is perhaps most visible in the realm of healthcare. The Affordable Care Act, whatever its limitations, represented a modest attempt to affirm that healthcare is a public good and that access should not depend entirely on wealth. But the undermining of Obamacare under Donald Trump laid bare how deeply the nation’s policy culture had descended into nihilism. Trump’s efforts to gut the ACA were not about ideology or fiscal prudence; they were an expression of power for its own sake. Funding for enrollment outreach was slashed. Navigator programs were dismantled. Work requirements for Medicaid were encouraged, despite overwhelming evidence that they punished the sick and disabled. The administration promoted junk insurance plans that offered no real protection, while lawsuits were advanced to overturn the ACA entirely, even if doing so meant millions would lose coverage.

This assault revealed the moral collapse of a political and economic elite that had grown comfortable with cruelty. It was cruelty performed as policy, sanctioned by corporate donors, embraced by right-wing media, and tolerated by the broader professional class that rarely speaks out unless its own interests are threatened. Even many of the centrist neoliberal policymakers who originally shaped the ACA’s cost-sharing structure responded with timidity, reluctant to confront the underlying truth: that the American healthcare system had become an arena where profit mattered more than survival, and where surveillance of the poor replaced accountability for the rich.

As traditional moral frameworks lose their authority—whether organized religion, civic duty, or shared ethical narratives—many Americans have drifted into agnosticism or atheism not enriched by humanist values, but hollowed out by a sense of futility. Without a shared moral anchor, people retreat into private meaning or abandon meaning altogether. In this void, conspiracy theories flourish. People know they are lied to. They sense power operating behind closed doors. They see elite institutions fail repeatedly without consequence. When institutions offer no transparency, alternatives emerge in the shadows.

The elite response is predictable: condemn conspiracies, scold the public for irrationality, invoke the language of “misinformation.” But this reaction deepens the divide. The same elites who created opaque systems—financial, academic, political, and technological—now fault ordinary people for trying to make sense of the opacity. In a society where truth is managed, measured, branded, and optimized, conspiracy becomes a form of folk epistemology. It is not always correct, but it is often understandable.

Mass surveillance is therefore not the root of the crisis but its mirror. It reflects a ruling class that no longer commands moral authority and a public that no longer trusts the institutions governing it. It reflects a society that treats the vulnerable as suspects and the powerful as untouchable. It reflects a political order in which the dismantling of healthcare protections is permissible while the monitoring of poor people’s bodies, behaviors, and spending is normalized.

If the United States is to escape this downward spiral, the cameras must eventually be turned upward. Transparency must apply not only to individuals but to corporations, boards, agencies, foundations, and the political donors who shape public life. Higher education must cease functioning as a credentialing arm of elite impunity and reclaim its role as a defender of democratic inquiry and human dignity. Public institutions must anchor themselves in ethical commitments that do not depend on religious dogma but arise from the basic principle that every human being deserves respect, security, and care.

Until that reconstruction begins, the nation will remain trapped. The elites will continue to rule through metrics and surveillance rather than legitimacy. The public will continue to oscillate between nihilism and suspicion. And the moral void at the center of American life will continue to widen, one camera at a time.

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Sources

Shoshana Zuboff, The Age of Surveillance Capitalism
David Lyon, Surveillance Studies
Higher Education Inquirer, How Educated Neoliberals Built the Homelessness Crisis
Wendy Brown, Undoing the Demos
Christopher Lasch, The Revolt of the Elites
Sarah Brayne, Predict and Surveil
Elisabeth Rosenthal, An American Sickness

Pete Hegseth: The Drunk Uncle of American Decline

US Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, a Fox News personality and former Army officer, recently traveled to Asia—ostensibly to promote a vision of American strength and moral clarity. Instead, his visit served as a loud reminder that he is not a serious thinker or statesman, but rather a culture warrior playing cosplay with international politics. Like the “Drunk Uncle” character from Saturday Night Live, Hegseth is the embodiment of bluster, bad history, and bombast—an unfiltered product of a broken American system.

A Product of Privilege and Propaganda

Hegseth’s path mirrors that of many elites in America's increasingly hollowed institutions. Educated at Princeton and Harvard, two of the country's most prestigious institutions, he is not a populist outsider but an avatar of the privileged class who performs outrage for the camera. His education—meant to instill nuance and responsibility—has instead armed him with rhetorical flair devoid of intellectual depth. The contradiction is glaring: a man forged by elite systems now lambasting the very institutions that nurtured him.

What’s broken isn't just Hegseth. It’s the entire ecosystem that allowed someone like him to ascend—where performative patriotism, right-wing grievance, and cable news charisma count for more than knowledge, empathy, or accountability.

Hegseth Abroad: Projection, Not Diplomacy

In his most recent journey through Asia, Hegseth acted less like a journalist or goodwill ambassador and more like an aging frat boy stumbling into a global chessboard. He visited South Korea and Japan as part of a Fox Nation segment intended to highlight America’s military alliances and cultural strength in the region. But rather than engage with complexity, Hegseth offered a stream of simplified binaries: good vs. evil, America vs. the world, Christianity vs. secularism.

He seemed less interested in understanding Asian societies than in broadcasting American exceptionalism in its most cartoonish form. There was no acknowledgment of America’s complicated role in the region, no room for history or diplomacy—only vague invocations of freedom and strength, layered with a smirk.

The reaction from international observers was muted but telling. In diplomatic circles, Hegseth’s antics landed somewhere between awkward and embarrassing. Like SNL’s Drunk Uncle—who rants about “kids today” and immigrants at Thanksgiving dinner—Hegseth represents a kind of noisy nostalgia: yearning for a past that never really existed, while refusing to reckon with the future.

The Manufactured Tough Guy

Hegseth sells an image of masculinity and American fortitude, one manufactured by Fox News and reinforced by props: the flag pin, the rolled-up sleeves, the veteran status. But this branding obscures a more troubling truth. Hegseth has repeatedly advocated for the erosion of democratic norms—from embracing Trump’s stolen election lies to defending authoritarian foreign leaders. He once even claimed that he doesn’t care about due process when it comes to suspected terrorists.

This kind of rhetoric isn’t patriotism—it’s nihilism dressed in red, white, and blue. It’s the logical endpoint of a political-media complex that favors noise over nuance, and fear over fact. In this environment, Hegseth’s rise is not an anomaly; it’s an inevitability.

Higher Education’s Role in the Circus

There is a cruel irony in Hegseth’s Ivy League background. Institutions like Princeton and Harvard still trade on their reputations as bastions of truth and reason, even as they produce figures who erode those very values on the public stage. Hegseth is a symptom of elite capture—where pedigree is weaponized, not for public service, but for personal branding.

Higher education, in this light, has failed—not because it admits the Hegseths of the world, but because it fails to instill moral responsibility in its graduates. It produces Drunk Uncles with diplomas, who replace careful thought with culture war clichés.

Final Thoughts

Pete Hegseth's trip to Asia is unlikely to shape foreign policy, but that’s not the point. His real audience is domestic: viewers seeking affirmation, not information. Like SNL’s Drunk Uncle, he offers them a cartoon version of reality, one where America is always right, enemies are everywhere, and complex problems can be solved with slogans and swagger.

In the meantime, the real world grows more complicated—and dangerous. And America, instead of meeting the moment with wisdom, sends its loudest uncles to the table.

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For more investigative coverage of American education, media, and the public mind, stay with the Higher Education Inquirer.

Absurdism: Living HAPPILY in a World Without Meaning (Albert Camus)

Albert Camus's philosophy of Absurdism provides a unique approach to the meaning of life. He explores the tension between humanity's deep desire for meaning and the universe's lack of answers, coining this contradiction as "the absurd." His philosophy rejects nihilism and encourages us to embrace life’s limitations, living fully in the present and finding purpose through personal choices rather than ultimate truths. 

In The Myth of Sisyphus, Camus likens life to Sisyphus's endless task of pushing a boulder up a hill, only for it to roll back down—a metaphor for the repetitive, sometimes purposeless cycle of human existence. Instead of succumbing to despair, Camus suggests that we imagine Sisyphus finding joy in the struggle itself, symbolizing a resilient, defiant spirit.

The Tragic Optimist's Guide to Surviving Capitalistic Nihilism (Dasia Sade)